Sunday, January 6, 2013

Somaliland: Armed Forces Ranks And Insignia To Be Issued

Somaliland: Armed Forces Ranks And Insignia To Be Issued

Hargiesa The Somaliland Defence minister Ahmed Haji Ali Adami has stated that the first patch of Armed Forces insignia have reached the country and its expected that the remainder will arrive in the coming weeks.

In a press briefing, Defence minister Adami stated that all sections of the Somaliland Armed Forces will be receiving their ranks, grades and insignias.



The minister stated that the various ranks have already been decided and all that remains is to present each force with its own insignia.

The minister stated that a ceremony will be held to commemorate the introduction of insignias to all of Somaliland's Armed Forces.

According to reliable sources, the insignia of the Somaliland Armed Forces will reflect the British model with pips instead of stars for each officer rank and a Major's badge made from the official shield of Somaliland. It is anticipated that the Army insignia will be on a red background, blue for the Police, green for the Custodial Corps and White and Navy for the Coastguard and Naval service.


Somalilanders are awaiting the outcome of the Armed Forces ranks with great anticipation and it is hoped that this will mark a forward step in the development of a professional military and police service.

Friday, January 4, 2013

Somaliland: Wadani Chair Irro Returns Fire On The President & UCID

Somaliland: Wadani Chair Irro Returns Fire On The President & UCID

CiroWadan13

Hargeisa(Qarannews):-The Speaker of the Somaliland House of Representative and at the same time chair of Wadani, Abdirahman Mohamed Abdillahi "Irro" has responded to recent criticism raised against him and his party by senior members of rival New UCID and also took a swipe at the administration of President Ahmed Mohamed Mohamud "Silaanyo".

At a well organised banquet held in Hargeisa to celebrate the certification of Wadani as one of the three political parties in Somaliland for the next ten years, Speaker Irro stated 
"That Wadani is an opposition party. We will try to build and not destroyed, and we remain friends with the administration and Kulmiye, but we are not its client party, and there is nothing in the constitution that stops me from holding both the post of Speaker and the chair of a political party".

Continuing his comments, Speaker Irro stated "For more than year my opponents have been trying to find a clause in the constitution that will preclude me from holding both posts. My opponents have hired lawyers to find such clauses but all they could find that an individual can be the chair of two parties or two different parties at the same time. I was never the chair of my former party UCID, so this does not apply to me" 

In a message to prospective New UCID presidential candidate, Jamal Ali Hussein, Speaker Irro stated " Jamal should not waste time on this Speaker/Party chair issue, my old friend Faisal had devoted much time to this and come out with nothing. It is better for him to work to build his party and formulate his future plans for the country, rather than waste time on a non-issue such as this one".

In conclusion, Wadani chair, Abdirahman Irro lambasted the inept Somaliland National Electoral Commission (NEC) and the administration of President Silaanyo for losing the confidence of the people in the miss-management and interference in the recently concluded local council elections and promised that Wadani will do a much better job.


All in all, Speaker Irro's first comments since the certification of Wadani suggest that although he is not afraid to attack the beleaguered administration of President Silaanyo, but would also like maintain a working relationship with Kulmiye, but sees UCID as his main rival for future parliamentary and presidential election. 

Senior Somaliland political analysts predict a coalition of Kulmiye-Wadani in future parliamentary and presidential elections.

Thursday, January 3, 2013

SWAZILAND: Women find strength in numbers

SWAZILAND: Women find strength in numbers

MBABANE, 3 January 2013 (IRIN) - Swazi women are organizing to promote their rights and welfare, convinced that discriminatory laws are at odds with the essential roles they play in their families and in their country's economy.

"We are taking a page from the past to achieve the recognition Swazi women deserve as the ones who keep this society going. It is a scandal how the authorities refuse to take women seriously when we are holding the country together," said Cynthia Simelane, an activist who works with female garment workers at the Matsapha Industrial Site, outside the city of Manzini.

The Swaziland Coalition of Concerned Civil Organisations has noted that the Swazi government has signed various international accords pledging to end gender discrimination, but it has never enacted legislation to put those pledges into action.

In 2005, King Mswati III, a strict traditionalist with 13 wives, signed a new constitution granting men and women equal rights. However, discriminatory laws - such as one that prevents women from taking out bank loans - remain in place. Another such law, forbidding women from owning property, remains on the books despite having been ruled unconstitutional [ http://www.osisa.org/open-debate/womens-rights/swaziland/historic-step-towards-equality-swazi-women ].

Caretakers

In the past year, the Swaziland Single Mothers Association (SWAMASO), which aims to improve the lives of single mothers and reduce high teen pregnancy rates, doubled its membership.

"In Swaziland today, a majority of children live with one or no parent, mostly because of AIDS but also because Swazi men have many girlfriends," said Thabsile Ndwandwe, a SWAMASO member. "A majority of Swazi children are raised by single mothers or by their grandmothers if the mother is no longer alive. Where are the programmes to assist these mothers? Where is even the government acknowledgement of this reality?"

Instead, the government announced last week that elderly Swazis, including grandmothers, will not receive their pension stipend this quarter due to "limited resources". Swaziland's financial crisis has not eased since the last time the government suspended pension payments in 2011 [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/92263/SWAZILAND-Government-suspends-pensions ]. The amount of the stipend is only US$73 per three-month period, but the majority of elderly live in chronic poverty and the suspension of the pensions will hinder their ability to purchase food and medicines and care for their grandchildren.

SWAMASO's attempts to lobby the government to give more assistance to single mothers have not yet paid off, but the organization is making a difference in other ways. Its network of community groups plays an important role in educating girls about avoiding pregnancy and sexually transmitted diseases, including HIV. A quarter of Swaziland's population is HIV-positive, the highest rate in the world.

Tradition of organizing

Activist Simelane pointed out that Swazi women have a long tradition of organizing according to their age groups, from the young maidens who assemble to collect building material for the Queen Mother ahead of the annual reed dance [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/56096/SWAZILAND-The-role-of-women-stirs-debate-at-the-reed-dance ] to the grandmothers who supervise community improvement projects.

Other women's groups include the Swazi Women for Positive Living, established in 2003 by HIV-positive women to assist other women living with the virus, and the Swaziland Action Group Against Abuse, formed by women to influence policy on the country's high rates of domestic and gender-based violence.

Last month saw the establishment of a new group - the Swaziland Young Women's Network - which announced its launch with a march through the streets of the capital, Mbabane, to protest the prevalence of sexual harassment. The police blocked the march on the grounds that some of the women were wearing miniskirts.

A week later, the Royal Swaziland Police Force spokeswoman Wendy Hleta invoked a 19th century public indecency law as a basis for arresting women wearing miniskirts or tank tops. Hleta added that women who wore revealing clothing were responsible for provoking rape.

Her comments drew a flood of unfavourable reports in the international media, prompting a government spokesperson to deny that a mini-skirt ban was in place. Gender rights activists considered this a partial victory.

"The government's first response to women seeking our rights was to block us and threaten us with arrest, and to control us by telling us what to wear. That is their instinct, and it is going to be hard to overcome, but we are determined not only for our own sake but for the sake of the country," said Simelane.

Policymaking

Ntombi Dube, a health worker in Manzini, argued that the only way for Swaziland to reverse economic and social decay was for women to assume a greater role in policymaking.

"This is what Swazi women have been doing in our 'regiments' for generations. Men have got to stop seeing our call for the end of discrimination against women as an attempt to usurp their authority," she said.

The new constitution stipulates that a third of members of parliament should be women, but the actual proportion is about a quarter - and parliament's role is limited to raising and debating issues, as legislation can only be drafted by cabinet.

The women's advocacy groups insist they are not asking Swazi women to choose between traditional Swazi life and Western concepts of femininity, arguing that this is a false choice.

"There is no traditional life to live any more. It is sad that the old multi-generational homestead where women held respected roles is a thing of the past," said Dube. "We can't go back to that, and we have to adapt as African women who are proud of a culture that respects women. That respect got lost somewhere."

Simelane agreed: "All these laws that make Swazi women second-class human beings, they were not part of traditional Swazi life because we did not live under Western laws. Swazi women want to return to the way it was when we were equal."

jh/ks/rz
[END]

Somaliland: the Violent Militant, Khatumo’s “Press Release” Back Fires

Somaliland: the Violent Militant, Khatumo's "Press Release" Back Fires
 Dalmar Kahin   

Recently, Osman Hassan, a self-proclaimed "spokesman" (or a cyberspace militant) for the violent Khatumo militia, in the small village of Taleh, in Sool region, published an article, a bag of meaningless accusations, entitled, "Somaliland occupying militia gang-rape 13-year old girl in Sool". But do these accusations don't hold water and you will be surprised!
As usual, Mr. Hassan's emotions precede his arguments. Moreover, almost the entire content of any of his articles is predictable. It is all about Somaliland this, Somaliland that; one-clan entity this, one-clan entity that...etc. (For reasons that even baffle my eighty-eight-year-old grandmother, Mr. Hassan has fetish for recycling the same stale, palpable propaganda.)
Evidently, Mr. Hassan, you have problems with Somaliland and its quest for statehood, but what you lack is clear solution to your problems. You also lack the ability to convince your readers, both anti-Somaliland and pro-Somaliland, to support your argument. So you must resort to the blaming game.
According to you, Mr. Hassan any incident that happens in Sool region, including earthquakes, must be blamed on Somaliland or as you like to put it, or in fact your articles clearly state, without reading between the lines: "The evil Iidoor clans".
That is, any wrong doings by other clans in Somaliland is clearly swept under the carpet, and "The evil Iidoors" are to be blamed for everything. And this is exactly why your writing is self-defeating. It is too subjective and lacks pragmatic solution.
Take as an example, your latest article entitled, "Somaliland occupying militia gang-rape 13-year old girl in Sool " You have accused the Somaliland army or as you would like to put it, the one-clan entity ("The evil Iidoors"), of gang raping and beheading a young girl, named Halimo Hussein Warsame; not to mention that, to stir emotions, you have equated this cruel act to the one that happened recently in India, where a young girl was brutally raped by ruthless gangs.
Comparing the two crimes is perfectly fine, however; what you have conveniently chose to ignore is that the fact the killers don't belong to Somaliland army. Worse yet, the killers of Haliimo don't hail from "The evil Iidoor clans" but hail from none other than the clan of the victim, Haliimo. Yes, the killers and rapists of Haliimo are indeed from the Dhulbahante clans. The evidence comes from none other than your militant, "Khatumo". Just listen tothis audio clip aired by your faction's, "Khatumo" warlords in the area. (Orhttp://www.kalshaale.com/?page_id=6634 )
How shocking is it that the accuser and the debunker are members of the Khatumo faction. Clearly, the Khatumo faction talks out of both sides of its mouth. (Or is this just one occasion where you agree to disagree, respectfully?)
The Khatumo warlord, Mohamed Duale, in the audio clip clearly states, "The killers of Haliimo belong to the Dhulbahante clans and they are members of Ciidan Beeleed (a clan militia) that are aligned with Somaliland". There are three indisputable facts: first. Ciidan Beeleed is not necessarily associated with Somaliland army. Nor do they take orders from the Somaliland army. It is the clan leaders that control the militia. Hence, that is why they are called: Ciidan Beeleed, and not Somaliland army. Second, the killers don't belong to "The Iidoor clans", despite the disinformation that Mr. Hassan would like to shove down your throats. Third, these clan militia are often on all sides of the fence, depending who is offering them the bigger paycheck. In fact, they could be on the Somaliland's, on the Khatumo militant's, and on the Puntland's payrolls, at the same time, milking all three sides. So, in reality, the perpetrators that brutally raped and beheaded Haliimo could have been members of the Khatumo faction that recently defected to Somaliland but still negotiating with Somaliland. Ironically, ignoring the reality on the ground and convoluting the real issue is often what makes the "Khatumo" faction the laughing stock of the century. (No wonder why your deceptive writings are only published on the clan-oriented sites, namely wardheernews.com—a site that readers will doubt if its proofreaders are alive!)
Surely, the killers are members of "Ciidan Beeleed" who are either aligned with Somaliland's quest for independence, ideologically, or simply they are supporting Somaliland because they could not resist being on Somaliland army's payroll.
Ciidan Beeleed as you know is a group of rag-tag militants that are not fully part of an army but could be integrate into the army in the near future, after of course they are trained and taught the army's code of ethics, where they are sworn to protect the public.
A similar scenario happened few years ago in LasAnnod, the provincial capital of Sool region. A young mother, who just gave birth few days before she was attacked, was raped in the outskirt of LasAnnod. The clan Media from Sool jumped on the wagon, blaming the usual suspects: the Somaliland army and "The evil Iidoors". Luckily, it was the Somaliland army that apprehended the rapists and diffused the tension between the victim's clan and perpetrators'.
As it turned out, however, the poor mother was raped by none other than her close clan members. (The evil Iidoors were off the hook! How disappointing!) She was Dhulbahante and so were her rapists. And they were not part of the Somaliland army either.
The brutal truth is: if you want to play your Ace Card, the clan card, the killers and rapists of Haliimo are closer to you in terms of clan identity than they are affiliated to other people reading this article. Yet, everyone else is to be blamed except you. Does the Somali expression, "Hasha geela cunta ee hadana cabaada…or the female camel that bites other camels, yet it screams" ring a bell? Of course not!
In a nutshell, not only are you politicizing an isolated incident or trying to ignite clan animosities between the brotherly people of Somaliland, but you are also spreading: FITNAH (an evil action). The murderers and rapists of Haliimo shocked the Somaliland people. We are all saddened by the senseless tragedy that struck her. But using this tragedy as a fuel to ignite an inferno in the region, while you reside in a comfortable home, in the heart of Europe, is not only selfish but is also cowardice.
Doubtless, the Khatumo's campaign of terror in the region, attacking security forces and assassinating officials, is compelling many young men in Sool region to cling to their guns. Sadly, sometimes these gunmen spare no one. Disarmingthe last pocket of the Khatumo militant, peacefully, is the only hope for these gun-toting youth that took Halima's life and for the countless young girls that could fall prey to these gun men. As for your latest accusation: it is a real double-edged sword, isn't it?
Dalmar Kaahin
"This is article is the opinion of the author and doesn't necessarily portray the view of Qarannews"

Dahabshiil: The maker of liquid gold

Dahabshiil: The maker of liquid gold
Thebridgem.   


 Dahabshiil, which is Somali for 'the gold melter', is a 'rags to riches' story of an African entrepreneur who lost everything during the Somali civil war.

With nothing but a strong network of contacts, he set about rebuilding the company which two decades later is now the largest African-owned money transfer business in the world. Dahabshiil was founded by Mohamed Said Duale more than forty years ago. He opened his first shop in Burao, the regional capital of Togdheer province in North-West Somalia, now known as Somaliland. He started off by selling imported goods from Gulf states on behalf of Somali migrant workers and transferring the proceeds back to their families.

The business collapsed as civil war broke out across Somalia, forcing more than a million Somalis to flee and seek refuge all over the world. With limited resources, Duale used his experience to set up a new remittance venture, enabling Somali refugees to send money and goods to displaced family members.

Over the next two and half decades, Mr. Duale, with the support of his staff and his son, Abdirashid Duale, who worked in the shop while also attending school, expanded the business to become the leading money transfer company in the Horn of Africa and beyond. Dahabshiil now operates in many African countries including Uganda, Rwanda, Sudan, South Sudan, Kenya , and Ethiopia. It serves migrant communities all over the world and is fully compliant with international regulations.

Dahabshiil made banking history when in 2009 it launched the first ever debit card in the Somali territories. It also opened the Dahabshil Bank in Djibouti which is operational in some parts of the Somali territories as well

Abdirashid Duale, the current CEO of Dahabshiil, has worked for the company since his school days, helping his father develop what was a small family business into a global firm operating in more than 150 countries. He has committed his company to increasing financial inclusion in developing countries, and has been an integral part of the economic development in the Horn region.

The company is involved in community regeneration projects. It invests five percent of its profits each year into such activities, including the development of schools, hospitals, agriculture, sanitation and infrastructure. This amounts to millions of dollars annually.

The company's humanitarian efforts during recurrent food crisis have included partnership with leading aid agencies in the delivery of a 'cash for food' programme, involving money transfers to beneficiaries for the purchase of food in local markets.

With headquarters in the Somali territories, the United Kingdom, and Dubai, Dahabshiil provides services to some of the world's leading humanitarian organisations, including the United Nations and international NGOs.

Dahabshiil is also currently spearheading initiatives consisting of partnerships with development organisations in an effort to establish sustainable financial products to meet the needs of poor communities.

Abdirashid Duale has established a reputation as an expert in the remittance industry, and has vast experience in all areas of money transfer operations. He has gained a reputation as a regular keynote speaker at international and regional conferences, including those organised by The School of Oriental and African Studies, International Fund for Agricultural Development, The London School of Economics, Oxford University, the African Development Bank and the British Houses of Parliament. He speaks about remittances, telecommunications and development issues.

Abdirashid Duale has won several awards. This year he was independently selected out of nearly 700 candidates as one of the top 50 most influential people in Africa by the respected publication, The Africa Report. In addition to this he was recently awarded Top Manager of the Year by the International Association of Money Transfer Networks in recognition of the outstanding services that the firm offers its clients. He has also received the UK's Mayor of Tower Hamlets award for excellence in the community, which recognises what it describes as the "outstanding contribution" Dahabshiil has made to the local, national, and international Somali community over the last forty years.

The story of Dahabshiil, which started off as one small shop, is an inspiration to many people, especially Africans. It has overcome many challenges in a difficult part of the world, and proves that hard work, commitment, professionalism, and resilience can yield large dividends .

Tuesday, January 1, 2013

5 things to know about the fiscal cliff

5 things to know about the fiscal cliff

By Josh Levs, CNN


(CNN) -- It's complex, dense, and filled with compromise. And thedeal passed by the Senate to avert the "fiscal cliff" might not even become law, depending what actions the House takes.

Here are five things to know about the bill that passed the Senate overwhelmingly in the middle of the night.

1. No side won.

Republicans accepted higher taxes for the wealthiest Americans. Democrats accepted a higher threshold for who's wealthy enough to face a higher tax rate. President Obama broke a vow to raise tax rates on income over $250,000. And that's just for starters. See more of what's in the bill here.

2. We may have a new definition of "wealthiest Americans."

President Obama made raising tax rates on the top 2% of earners in America a centerpiece of his re-election campaign. The 2% figure includes those with income over $250,000. The Senate compromisewhittles that figure down. Tax rates will only go up for individuals with income over $400,000 and families earning more than $450,000.

The deal does, however, cap some deductions for individuals making $250,000 and for married couples making $300,000. That would allow the president bragging rights to say the deal raises taxes on people at those income levels. But he said just weeks ago that capping deductions at the $250,000 level would not be enough -- and that tax rates would rise.

3. The deal "kicks the can," and three more "fiscal cliffs" are looming.

The Senate deal does not address the sequester, a series of automatic cuts in federal spending. It delays the sequester for two months In the meantime, the Senate plan calls for $12 billion in new revenue and another $12 billion in spending cuts. The spending cuts are to be split between defense and nondefense spending.

So the deal adds another battle to this year's docket of apparently inevitable congressional squabbles over money. The other two: the debt ceiling and a continuing budget resolution.

4. If it doesn't pass

Because it's now 2013, the broad series of changes brought on by the fiscal cliff are in effect. Officially, the Bush-era tax cuts across income levels have ended. If no action is taken, most Americans will pay more in taxes this year. But the timing also offers Republicans an opportunity to say they are now voting to cut taxes, rather than voting to allow some tax cuts to expire.

5. Either way, your paycheck is likely to shrink

The Senate deal does not address an increase in payroll taxes. No legislation to address the fiscal cliff is expected to. Now, the cut on those taxes has expired. Americans earning $30,000 a year will take home $50 less per month. Those earning $113,700 will lose $189.50 a month.

Somaliland: Massacre at Ahmed Dagah

Somaliland: Massacre at Ahmed Dagah
Tuesday, 01 January 2013 11:48

flames engulf the city during riots by Haqsoor supportersflames engulf the city during riots by Haqsoor supportersA Stain on the Conscience of Silanyo

By: Jamal Madar

Somalilandsun - On Thursday, 6th December 2012, a brutal massacre took place on the south bank of Hargeisa in which two people lost their lives instantly and two others succumbed to their wounds later at Edna Aden Hospital after the so-called Somaliland Special Police, an anti-terror unit, have been ordered to use whatever force is necessary to disperse an unarmed peaceful demonstrators protesting against an apparent "manipulated local election results" held in the country 0n 28 November 2012. At least nine others were injured some of them seriously including a ten year old girl who was shot in the stomach.

These demonstrators died from fatal gunshot wounds to the neck or upper abdomen which indicates that the police have been granted an unrestrained power to use live ammunitions to quell the protest. Even worse, when this "state terrorism" was perpetrated against the people of Ahmed Dhagah no single government official or institution expressed sympathy or condolences in public to the relatives of the fallen victims. Similarly, the largely clan-based civil society groups in Somaliland came under fierce criticism for their criminal wall of silence on this abhorrent crime.

When President Ahmed Silanyo was in opposition three years ago, Rayale could not stand his blistering condemnations whenever the security forces resort to firing guns into air to disperse his angry KULMIYE supporters demonstrating against the government's injustices. Silanyo was then a fire breathing demagogue whose words could easily incite his supporters to insurrection or vigilantism although he is now an old shadow of himself.

It is an irony of fate that the people whose blood was shed in the streets of Ahmed Dhagah by Silanyo's security forces are the same people that remained shoulder to shoulder with him in the hour of his need. Also, they were the same people who propelled him into power by overwhelmingly voting for his ruling party- KULMIYE.

During Rayale's days, whenever a protester is hurt in a peaceful demonstration, often organized by KULMIYE party activists, Silanyo would visit them at the General Hospital and wish them a speedy recovery.

Today, it was only after much public outcry and avalanche of condemnations, mostly from the Diaspora, that Silanyo reluctantly expressed his deridingly belated expression of sympathy to the relatives of the murdered peaceful demonstrators while in the same breath threatening the bereaved relatives that he will "deal forcefully with anyone who disrupts the law and order". But the president missed the point by a wide mark. It was none other than his security forces that acted unlawfully in this instance. It remains a mystery until now why everybody in Somaliland is so silent on this hideous crime which has seriously damaged the reputation of this country. This silence implies nothing but consent to the barbaric manner in which these people were killed in cold blood.

No matter what, this ugly massacre of children will remain an indelible stain on the moral conscience of Silanyo and his inner circle. It is also sad and lamentable that the British taxpayers whose funds supports this special police unit, which was meant to fight terrorists, is now being used to silence dissent in order to advance Silanyo's family political agenda.

Needless to say, the slain demonstrators were exclusively supporters of HAKSOOR political association who unwaveringly believe that the results of the local election announced by the National Electoral Commission (NEC) were deliberately manipulated.

In fairness, there are strong indications that lend credence to the argument of the HAKSOOR supporters that the election results have been deliberately manipulated to ensure that the only political associations that the government favours would, in the end, qualify for national parties. WADDANI party whose leader is also the Speaker of the House is simply a subsidiary of KULMIYE party and remains at the beck and call of Silanyo. There is no way that WADDANI will be a credible opposition and hold the government in power to account to the best interests of the people.

There are also rock solid evidences of massive vote riggings in the form of video clips that are currently making the rounds on the internet not to mention the documentations and other material evidence available. Only a fool can deny such self-evident truths. There is no doubt that HAKSOOR was targeted by NEC officials with the full knowledge and collaboration of selected cabinet ministers and KULMIYE party officials headed by Hersi Haji Ali, the minister of the presidency.

First, the HAKSOOR final vote tally was consciously deleted from the NEC computer in an apparent attempt to create confusion and chaos. Until now, no one has come up with any sort of explanation for this criminal offence. When HAKSOOR officials asked for a recount, the ballot boxes from the electoral district of Ahmed Dhagah, the stronghold of HAKSOOR, could not be found at all even though the NEC headquarters in Hargeisa was heavily guarded and its surroundings was teaming up with people.

Even the conspiracy theorists and blind supporters of the government could not find a plausible explanation about the mysterious disappearances of these ballot boxes. It emerged later that the reason why the electoral commissioners were unwilling to show the missing ballot boxes of the electoral district of Ahmed Dhagah was because HAKSOOR ballot papers were "dumped and burned" in the dry river bed of Hargeisa where the ballot papers were found flying over all over the place. The HAKSOOR candidates 'names were clearly printed on the ballot papers with a cross put in the box next to the potential candidates' names.

This incontrovertible evidence was shown on Horn Cable TV by Hassan Essa Jama- HAKSOOR leader. The local press was also invited to check the authenticity of the ballot papers which clearly bears the seal of NEC on the back of each ballot papers.

A more damning evidence surfaced when the president's special advisor on Eastern Region, Fuad Adan Adde, said unambiguously in a press statement that the chairman of the NEC Essa Yusuf Mohamed, was "directly responsible" for the deliberate disenfranchisement of the Sool people particularly Huddun district. He stated that the NEC chairman, a clan fundamentalist in his own right, "clearly favoured his own clan over the Dhulbahante clan".

The extreme wickedness of this government could be summed up in one example. KULMIYE councillors who lost their seats had been brazenly replaced with others who were earlier officially declared as winners in the press, leading to violent demonstrations between government forces and supporters of the councilors who were deliberately robbed of their victory with the assistance of Silanyo's Kangaroo court in Hargeisa.

The local election held in the country on 28 November 2012 was not only a complete and utter sham marred by large scale vote rigging, "under-age voting, and multiple voting" but also ended up with the brutal murder of four innocent people.

The consequence is that today Hargeisa remains a divided city where Silanyo's forces have no control at all over Ahmed Dhagah district. It is off limits to government functionaries. Taxes are not collected. Government vehicles are impounded although civilian and NGO cars freely operate and move around.

When HAKSOOR was robbed of its votes in Sool, Zeil and Sanaag and the blood of its supporters were shed, its leadership was told to place their complaints with the relevant district and provincial courts where the election fraud and vote rigging occurred. The Haksoor leadership has now issued an official press statement in which they made it quite unequivocally clear that all the chief provincial judges of Sool, Awdal, Marodi Jeh and Sanaag informed them in no uncertain terms that they could not handle any HAKSOOR complaint regarding the election.

It has now emerged that the executive department directly intervened in the relevant courts because the government could not stand the overwhelming evidence at HAKSOOR's disposal.

The responsibility for the blood spilled in the streets of Hargeisa lies fairly and squarely at the presidential palace and the clan fundamentalist chairman of the NEC, Essa Yusuf Mohamed, who refused to postpone the announcement of the hotly disputed election results despite the many unanswered questions.

The trigger-happy elements within the ranks of the Police who have committed this heinous crime are yet to be identified let alone to be charged. Furthermore, there is no apology from the government and no heads will roll

Today, Silanyo cannot claim to be the president of all Somalilanders. Certainly, he is not the president of the people of Ahmed Dhagah. Whether we like it or not he reduced himself as the Leader of a Clan Fiefdom rather than the leader of a state.

As a fervent and loyal supporter of this nonagenarian president for more than a decade, I would never have imagined even in my wildest dreams that Silanyo's government would so easily and quickly turn into an organized crime syndicate right in front of our eyes to the extent that it would brazenly steal the local election in a broad day light and resort to bathing in the blood of innocents.

It's a new chapter that will be written in the annals of Somaliland history.

Jamal Madar

adammadar@yahoo.com