An Open Letter From Somaliland Focus (UK) Regarding The Media In Somaliland

An Open Letter From Somaliland Focus (UK) Regarding The Media In Somaliland

Mr Mohammed Behi Younis, Foreign Minister

Republic of Somaliland

(cc: Mr Abdullahi Mohamed Dahir, Information Minister)

11 November 2013

Dear Minister,

I write as the Vice-Chair of Somaliland Focus (UK). We would like to offer you our congratulations at your appointment as Foreign Minister.

Since 2005, Somaliland Focus has been making the case for wider awareness of Somaliland and its democratic process, acting as joint coordinators of the international observers to Somaliland’s elections in 2010 and 2012, and through our involvement with the UK All-Party Parliamentary Group for Somaliland and Somalia. We’ve been proud to be associated with the achievements of Somaliland.

Yet we are moved to write to express our concerns about harassment and intimidation of news media members in Somaliland. We are copying this letter to your colleague Mr Abdullahi Mohamed Dahir, the Minister of Information. Media freedom is relevant to both of your briefs as it reflects on Somaliland internationally, and ensuring a free media is the responsibility of the entire government.

We note there have been numerous incidents, prompting the concern of groups inside and outside Somaliland. Most prominent lately has been the targeting of Hubaal newspaper, which in April saw its office in Hargeisa attacked, with injuries to staff members. In June, publication was suspended after articles critical of Somaliland’s government appeared, and its editor-in-chief and managing director were imprisoned. Although the men have since been released and publication has recommenced, the events constitute a major breach of the freedom of the press, explicitly protected by law in Somaliland.

The Hubaal affair is part of a long chain of events. In 2012 numerous journalists were arrested and a television station, HornCableTV, was shut down, while in 2011, the editor of the Jamhuuriya newspaper was arrested. That year also saw threats from ministers and security personnel towards the chief editor of YOOL, another newspaper, the arrest and imprisonment of Mahamud Abdi Jama, the editor of Waaheen, and an award-winning African journalist, and the arrest and imprisonment of a reporter for Haatuf.

Some of the arrests have been on grounds of criminal defamation and others apparently at the behest of regional governors. While pardons and releases have followed, such actions have a chilling effect on the proper functioning of the media and are likely to lead to ineffective coverage and self-censorship. There is a significant need for fully institutionalising the freedom of the media, particularly in making defamation a civil rather than a criminal offence, and in local governors not being able to organise the arrest of journalists.

Yet we note concerns reported in local media about proposed press law changes which could further undermine media freedom. Actions against media are becoming a regrettable hallmark of Somaliland administrations past and present, and negatively affecting our ability to effectively advocate for Somaliland. We urge that you and other policymakers address this compromising of a vital democratic pillar, which in turn undermines the completion of Somaliland’s transition into the multi-party democracy to which you have committed yourselves.

Yours faithfully,

Dr Steve Kibble

Vice-Chair, Somaliland Focus (UK)

Somalia Elects a New President

Somalia Elects a New President

By Faisal A. Roble

On September 10, 2012, Somalia’s newly seated law makers elected a new president, Hassan Sheik Mohamud. President-elect Mohamud was the dark horse of this election where he was largely unknown until a week ago when he declared his candidacy. Up until today, Somalia had not democratically elected a president for more than 45 years of its 52 years of existence.

President-elect Mohamud, an academic and a former employee of UNICEF, won in a run-off land slide victory, beating the formidable incumbent president Sheikh Sharif Sheik Ahmed. In the second round, the final vote count was 190 for president-elect Sheik Mohamud vs. 79 for the defeated Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed.



In the opinion of many Somalis, the result speaks of a mandate extended to the president-elect and a determination that Somalis want to move ahead with a new vision, divorcing themselves from the gridlock and accusation of corruption that has captivated previous administrations.

With a new and qualitatively superior parliament that has elected a well-received speaker on August 20, 2012, president-elect Mohamud is poised to harness huge enthusiasm and positive reception so far expressed by Somalis of all shades.

Following the final count, the outgoing president made a rare but well-received concession speech in front of the very body, the Parliament, which handed him an unexpected pink slip. Former president Sharif SheikhAhmed extended an olive branch both to the parliament and to the president-elect, pledging to work as a private citizen towards the betterment of his wounded nation.

EEqually important is that former Prime Minister, Dr. AbdiWali Ali Gas, had graciously conceded a defeat after a disappointing first round of the competition. In his brief speech, Dr. AbdiWali urged his compatriots to forge ahead with more positive changes and not to reverse the course of progress so far travelled. Nonetheless, Dr. Gas would go into the history books as the Prime Minister that had advanced the cause of normalization and pacification of this tumultuous nation.

There are few lessons learned from this election:

Candidates from Mogadishu and its environs undeniably dominated the first and second round of the election as the results testify;
Candidate Farmajo’s populism and his popularity with certain sectors in the Diaspora community was not well received by the law makers;
The highly educated diaspora based candidates did poorly, with the exception of the former Prime minister who received 30 votes in the first round to the winners 60 votes.


So, what are the attributes that earned Mr. Hassan Sheikh Mohamud this coveted position of Somalia’s presidency? One attribute that stands out is he is unique bread among Somalia’s educated class. He is both a member of the Diaspora and those who stayed behind

While he can claim to possess attributes of the Somalia’s bourgeoning Diaspora communities, he had also shared the pain and sufferings of its downtrodden masses that have been locked up inside Mogadishu. Whereas he is westernized educationally with his training at the former Faculty of Education, Lafole, India and SUNY-affiliated SIDAM institute, he had stayed behind for the good part of the last 22 years in Mogadishu serving the displaced, educating their children and engaging in peacemaking among Mogadishu’s rival groups.

Now, he faces the arduous task of forming a government of quality and high degree of ethics. With the expectation to be met, president-elect Mahamud needs all our support.

Faisal A. Roble

Email: fabroble@aol.com

A new Dawn and new beginning for Somalia

A new Dawn and new beginning for Somalia

By Ali H. Abdulla 

It is indeed a great day for Somalia. A day on which it got rid of two abhorrent individuals with similar sounding names, and who many accuse of being corrupt and ready to even sell pieces of the country to the highest bidder. It is a suspicion confirmed by the UN Monitoring Group for Somalia in its latest report.



I would like to congratulate the new president of Somalia, Hassan Sheikh Mohamoud who looks presidential, sound presidential and will hopefully live up to the expectations of millions of Somalis all over the world. I met him nearly a year ago in Dubai in a function that celebrated the Unity of Somalia and he gave a talk that portrayed him as a man of vision. I can recall clearly that one of his acquaintances told me then that the professor was going to run for the highest job in Somalia. I am glad that he did and won convincingly without resorting to dirty tricks or bribery as has been the custom for a long time in Somalia.

President Hassan has the monumental task of rebuilding a shattered nation that was dictated to by regional powers and UN functionaries such as Mahiga, a figure that many Somalis love to hate and would like to see the last of in the coming weeks. I hope that the first presidential decree will be to declare as him as persona-non-Grata.

Whether the new Somali parliamentarians heeded the advise of the most candid Presidential Candidate, Salad Ali Jelle, who in his campaign speech asked the members to grab any bribes offered to them but to vote their consciousness, or whether they lived up to their oath of allegiance to Somalia and the Somali people, we should thank them for a job well done.

My first advise to the new president is to pick his Prime Minister carefully and ignore the cursed 4.5 formula and to take his time to find a person with whom he can have a good working relationship that is not marred by conflict as we have become accustomed to from his predecessor who sacked two Prime Ministers.

My second advise to him it to stand up for Somali Unity and to do his best to bring our brothers in Somaliland back into the fold. He also needs to avoid more bloodshed in Somalia and reach out to our young and misguided warriors who were led astray by extremist elements who imported alien concepts to our country. Reconciliation within the Somali family will help us get rid of the thousands of foreign forces in our land and get back our lost pride and reclaim our true sovereignty.

Finally, let us thank professor Jawari and his two deputies for managing the difficult task of electing a credible president. We are grateful to them for a well managed process that was not marred by angry parliamentarians slugging it out with metal chairs. Let us not forget our elders who spent many months away from their families to help us reach where we are today.

Somalia ha noolaato

Ali H Abdulla
Email: aliegeh@gmail.com

MADAXWEYNAHA CUSUB EE SOOMAALIYA HA LA YIMAADO SIYAASADDA LABA DAL OO WALAALO AH.

Doorashadii Madaxweynha Soomaaliya oo  uu ku guulaystay Xasan Sh Maxamuud ayaa doorkii hore oo ay ay isu soo sharaxeen 22 murashax ayaa u dhacday sidan oon hoos idiinku muujinayo inta cod heshay, iyagoo ay jiraan rag aan hal codna helin oo uu ka mid yahay Maslax Maxamed Siyaad, taas oo ka dhigan in xataa naftiisu u diiday inay u codeyso. Waa amuur la yaab leh, ruuxa isagu isu codeyn waayey, yaa uu cod ka sugaayey.

Natiijada doorashada Musharaxiinta

Cabdi Wali Gaas 29 cod
Cabdullahi Cadow 24 cod
Shariif Ahmed 63 Cod
C.raxman Baadiyow 20 Cod
Cabduqadir Cosoble 27 Cod
Yusuf Garaad 8 Cod
Mohamed Gacal 1 Cod
Mohamed Farmaajo 13 Cod
Xasan Shiikh 59 Cod
Saciid Lugoole 1 Cod
Ahmed Samatar 8 Cod
Xaaji Yasin 2 Cod
Sakariye Xaaji 1 Cod
Cabdi wali shiikh 3 Cod
Maxamed OOmaar 1 Cod
Cabdi Wali Goonjeex 3 Cod
Cumar Salaad 2 Cod

Waxay doorashau u dhacday daah-furnaan iyo hab dimuquraadi ah soona jiitay indhaha bulshada caalamka. Waxa barlamanku xajiijiyeen inay ka door bidayaan ragga dalka joogay ee dhib iyo dheef dadkooda la wadaagay, ragga qurbajooga ah, iyo inay doortaan aqoonta ooy ka baxaan dagaal oogayaal.

Haddana arrintani waxay ina tusaysaa in hab qabiil lagu heshiiyey oo ah in loo daayo beesha Hawiye, Abgaal Madaxnimada, halka la filayo in Daaroodna qaato Raisal Wasaaraha oo weliba loo filaayo Majeerteen. Faalo kale ma leh ee ma laga yabaa in arrintani ku noqoto Soomaalida mid joogta ah oon ku eekaan xiligan dib u dhiska.  Aan u rajeeyo inay ku eekaato xiligan dib u dhiska, walow waxa loo bartaa caado noqoto.

Waxaan leeyahay Madaxwyne Xassan Sh. Maxamuud hanbalyo, bogaadin iyo guul iyo guul. Dardaaranka ugu muhiimsan een u dirayaa waa inuu noqdo nin eega danta guud iyo nabadgelyada lana dagaalama musuqmaasuqa oo aanu inna u dulqaadan in la daco hantida guud, waa inuu iska jiraa eexda iyo qabyaaladda, waa inaan shisheeye wax u yeedhin, waa inuu naftiisa ku kalsoonaadaa oo uu yeeshaa go'aan adag iyo hoggaan awood leh. 

Siyaasadiisa Soomalilandna ha ahaato mid run ku dhisan oon malo awaal iyo riyo ahayn. Waa inuu ka shaqeeyaa siyaasadda laba dal oo walaalo ah oo wax wada qabsada taas oo danta Soomalinimadu ku jirto. Yaan waqti kaga lumin dib u raadin aan suuragal ahayn iyo midnimo aan la helayn. Dadku waxay u baahan yihiin dib u dhis dhaqaale, bulsho iyo caafimaad, uma baahan muran iyo colaad hor leh. Aan ka wado shaqayno inaynu helno hab iskaashi oo ay u aayaan dadweynaha labada dal, taas ayey guushu ku jirtaa. Noqo Madaxweynihii ka midho dhalin lahaa wada hadalka labada dal.

Alle ha garansiiyo halka dantu ku jirto. Soomali meel ay joogaanba waxaan u rajeynayaa nabad iyo horumar.

Axmed Xasan Carwo 

 samotalis@gmail.com

Somaliland: UDUB To Boycott Upcoming Election’s Says Waran-cadde

Somaliland: UDUB To Boycott Upcoming Election’s Says Waran-cadde



One of the Somaliland most prominent opposition party UDUB has today announced that they will boycott the upcoming local elections which are due to be held on the 28thof November this year.

This was revealed by the party’s Presidential aspirant Mr. Ali Mohamed Waran –cadde during a press conference which was held at Hotel Kaah, Hargeisa today.

The Presidential aspirant said the reason which prompted his party to boycott the upcoming local elections was due a sinister plot to discredit his party which is been waged by registration of parties committee(PPR&VC ).

Mr. Waran-cadde told reporters that the registration of parties committee last week had announced that his candidacy was null and void because he had failed to fulfill the rules set by the registration.

The PPR&VC statement revoking the waran-cadde candidacy was released on 4 September 2012, and it stated that the candidature of both Waran’ade and his deputy has been revoked because the party had contravened Article 11 of the constitution.

Mr. Waran –cadde said he was informing to the people of Somaliland and the international community that the current atmosphere in which the registration body is conducting the process does not allow free and fair election to take place in the country.

The decision by the PPR&VC was prompted by the fact that the Waran-cadde candidature did not emanate from the party’s general assembly, the registration body further asked the party leadership to respect the laws of the country.

Other unconfirmed reports say the former President of Somaliland Dahir Rayale Kahin and also the chairman of UDUB had sent a letter to the President Silanyo requesting him to postpone the upcoming elections.

Lastly the presidential aspirant said that they plan to take the matter to court in the coming days to contest the PPR&VC decision.

Goth M Goth

Somalilandpress.com
http://samotalis.blogspot.com/

SOMALILAND DEMOCRACY FOR SALE: THE JAMAL WARABE WAY BY SULUB ADAN

SOMALILAND DEMOCRACY FOR SALE: THE JAMAL WARABE WAY BY SULUB ADAN

Few months ago, Jamal Ali Hussein, a banker turned politician, came back to Somaliland to start a presidential bid. Instead of creating his own political party and testing his political appeal with the
Somaliland electorate, Jamal opted out to make a shady backroom deal with his uncle, the ex-deputy leader of UDUB, Ahmed Yusuf Yasin.

Under the terms of his agreement with UDUB, Jamal agreed to pay out UDUB's presidential nomination with $300,000. His uncle crowned him as the official UDUB presidential candidate without consulting the UDUB Chairman, President Rayale, who was alive and well in France at the time. The rank and file of UDUB supporters, including a sizable number of the party central committee members, vehemently opposed the manoeuvring.

To the embarrassment of Jamal and his uncle, the case was finally settled in a Supreme Court decision. The court rendered a decision that nullified Jamal's bid for the presidency as UDUB'S candidate on the grounds of breaking UDUB's constitution and party bylaws. The verdict came down to this: his uncle, the ex-deputy of UDUB, intentionally bypassed the UDUB constitution to sell the 2015 Somaliland presidential nomination to his nephew.

Jamal never learned from this Supreme Court decision. Before the dust settled, he went shopping around for a presidential nomination on sale. He went to UCID with the same bidding against the advice of his clan Sultans. He was wisely advised not to damage his reputation, and not to drag the clan's name into the mud with him, by shopping around for a presidency nomination with a bag of cash.

But, you know, for Jamal the end justifies the means no matter how many ethical rules or party bylaws he breaks on the way. He neither listened to the advice of his clan elders nor got bothered with the ethical considerations of his actions. He went to UCID anyway with the same bidding: hefty cash for presidential candidacy.

UCID current chairman, Faisal Ali Warabe, could not refuse Jamal's offer and allegedly accepted a down payment. And now, Jamal bought himself a shot at the 2015 Somaliland presidency. That is if UCID qualifies as a national party again, in which case he has to cough up the rest of the cash.

Mr. Warabe sold UCID to Jamal without consulting UCID's central committee, the regulatory body that can legally nominate the party presidential candidate for approval by the assembly of the party delegates from all the Somaliland regions. Again Jamal bought his way out by bypassing the central committee of UCID, the only body that can legally bestow him the party's presidential nomination with the approval of a national convention of UCID.

As a central committee member of UCID, I raised this matter with Mr. Warabe several times and explained to him how this deal is in complete violation with UCID constitution. What I got from him each time was an evasive answer and a defensive threat to my party membership. And he still refuses to make the official document of the deal with Jamal available to the central committee of UCID.

Mr. Jamal's ventures set a bad precedent for Somaliland politics. It tars the image of Somaliland democracy. Think about it, if any chairman can sell his party presidential nomination to the highest bidder without due process, what would become of Somaliland democracy?

I call on all Somalilanders to make a petition to the National Election Commission to check on the legality of Mr. Warabe's decision to sell the party presidential candidate to the highest bidder, Mr. Jamal. I call on all card-carrying members of UCID, currently living in Somaliland, to file a class action lawsuit to get to the bottom of this shady Warabe/Jamal deal at the expense of Somaliland presidency.

Sulub Adansulub.adan@yahoo.com

Deciphering Meles Zenawi’s hatred of Ethiopia

Ethiopian Review
Deciphering Meles Zenawi’s hatred of Ethiopia

EthiopianReview.com |
By Messay Kebede

Meles Zenawi’s blatant hatred of Ethiopia is a puzzle that Ethiopian intellectual circles have in vain tried to decipher.While some propose the suggestion that the hatred betrays his commitment to his Eritrean side, others consider it as an expression of his ethnic racism. Still others remain baffled, unable as they are to understand how he revels in denigrating the object of his obsession, namely, state power. One thing is sure, however, they all agree on the idea that his overall policy and its day-to-day implementation make sense only from the vantage point of a project to ransack Ethiopia’s resources and leave the rest to the vultures of ethnic secessionism. Harsh dictators have ruled Ethiopia in the past, but all considered themselves as Ethiopians. What is new with Meles is his anti-Ethiopian stand and his open contempt for whatever is Ethiopian.

Yet, one important element liable to explain Meles’s hatred has been with us for quite some time. I have in mind the history of his family, which is a history marred by collaboration with the occupying Italian forces. Notably, his grandfather not only worked for the Italians, but he was also an appointee and an office holder. What this means is that Meles had to deal very early with this family shame, which according to testimonies brought scorn and isolation on his family.

Now, there are two ways of dealing with this kind of existential predicament. There is the positive way according to which the person affected by family disgrace tries to behave in such a way as to repair the fault. In the case of Meles, this would mean showing a renewed and active commitment to Ethiopia. This is the path of expiation, which requires a serious self-examination and, mostly, a great amount of courage. All the available and trustworthy testimonies about Meles agree on the fact that courage was and is not one of his virtues.

There remains the second path, which is negative and consonant with the lack of courage. It is the path of denial, that is, the denial of betrayal. In order to accomplish this metamorphosis, Meles has to demean Ethiopia and devalue all its accomplishments. The more he belittles Ethiopia, the more he weakens the gravity of the family betrayal, and the less guilty and stained he feels. There was no betrayal since what his family supposedly betrayed was just a trash.

The path of denial nurtures hatred for the simple reason that hatred is a self-defense, a counter to the feeling of being despised by others. When you feel that other people despise you, you react by developing an intense dislike for them as a way of protecting yourself. If you hate them, you get rid of all scruples and sensitivity and adopt the principle that all means are good to hurt them.

This hatred partially explains Meles’s rapid rise to the leadership of the TPLF. Who else could best express and incarnate the rage of the TPLF against the Ethiopian state and army but Meles, who in addition to sharing with other members the resentment against the marginalization of Tigray, had on him the personal scar of national betrayal. While anger motivated most members, Meles had a stronger torment: he was humiliated and could not rest until he humiliated the source of his own dishonor.

Meles’s characterization of the Ethiopian national flag as nothing but a trash, his persistence in reducing Ethiopian history to mere conquest and subordination, his delight in debunking Ethiopian heroes, his ritual of jailing pro-Ethiopian leaders and releasing them after forcing them to sign degrading letters, etc., are all part of his strategy to humiliate Ethiopia in order to feel good about himself. Add to this that his long-standing hatred has been reignited by his electoral defeat in 2005, which defeat he was quick to interpret as another attempt to humiliate him. Because the defeat revived an old wound, his crackdown on the opposition and protesters was bound to be brutal.

This is, then, an appeal to Meles urging him to psychoanalyze himself so as to become aware of the deep wound that constantly perverts his policy and contradicts his dream of becoming a great leader. As we all know, in matters of spiritual illness, awareness of the cause is an efficient cure so that the second path, the path of expiation through great deeds is still open to him. No amount of power can erase his shame so long as Meles continues to hang his rehabilitation on the trashing of Ethiopia. For the more he lowers Ethiopia, the less gratifying becomes his dominion. This contradiction is the reason why he wants more power, even though the discredit of the nation cheapens his power. In other words, the cure lies, not in the mistreatment of Ethiopia, but in its promotion, that is, in the commitment to overcome his shame through good works.

Deciphering Meles Zenawi’s hatred of Ethiopia

(Prof. Messay Kebede can be reached at mkebede1@udayton.edu)

Somaliland Needs A Land Tenure System

Somaliland Needs A Land Tenure System




OPINION | MAY 31, 2012

ALI MOHAMED

A group of armed men attacked a government military base in Hargeisa, last month. The attack was more deadly than other protracted land disputes, in which Hargeisa residents get used to for last two-decades. This attack caused the death of 7 people and at least 28 injuries.

Violence related to land disputes is very common in Hargeisa, because of the highly inflated prices of real estate due to the speculations. Buying and selling land become the best game in the town for income hungry people. However, the failure of the government to enact a land tenure system resulted more in "land grabbing", which could become a security threat in our country, unless the political leaders come out effective statutory laws or policies to manage, administer, and distribute the land.

The land tenure system is a set of statutes that determines how land is used, owned, leveraged, leased, sold or in other ways disposed within society. These statutes may be established by the state or custom, and rights may accrue to individuals, families, communities, or organizations.

I would like to cover the problematic land disputes in the urban area of Hargeisa. There is no doubt that Somaliland desperately needs land tenure system for both urban and rural areas—farming as well as grazing lands. In rural areas, everyone has carved out a piece of land for grazing, and the government does know not who owns what and where. We need a system that would classify the lands into settlement, farming and communal grazing, and wild life area for future park and game reserves development.

For two decades, different Somaliland's administrations deliberately encouraged the "land grabbing". Government officials used shady tactics to sell government properties such as warehouses, office buildings, houses, parks, and so-called farming lands acquired for public purposes, to the elite groups, which was not their land under any law.

Indeed, the main accomplices and the financiers of the "land grabbing" are actually people with financial resources and political connections—the top business community in Somaliland. They are in a buying frenzy for government properties or any other undeveloped lands. For instance, the former Headquarters of Somaliland police (a prime real estate area in downtown Hargeisa), during the Riyaale administration was given to local businessman. In exchange, the businessman offered a piece of land, he owned in outskirts of the city, for the police force. Then he sold the Headquarters of the police, in a hefty five-figure price to business group. Again, I am not just singling out any single group for these corrupt dealings. However, other top businessmen in Somaliland were also involved in similar transactions.

But the most protracted land disputes and expensive litigation happen between individuals. Some times these disputes escalate into skirmishes between two sub-clans because of inaccurate, lack of land records or double land claims.

For some people, they choose "Xeer" ("Clan laws") ,which is very efficient to settle their disputes over land. Unfortunately, others end up using Somaliland's broken judicial system for their litigation. During my time in Somaliland, I was amazed, how some people and judges are using that broken judicial system to make money. For instance, anyone could claim any piece of land or even any property in Hargeysa. All he or she has to do is to go to the district court, file a petition and pay a $10 fee to the court clerk. Then the petitioner has a claim, Hargeysa residents called this frivolous claim "Ku qabso, ku qadi maysid" ("Claim it, you never lose it"). While the court is hearing the case, which could take a year or even more, the real owner would not only have to prove to the court that he or she actually owns the property to court, but he or she could not sell the property or build it. And whoever the judge rules for the land would eventually claim it. Most likely, a corrupt judge would rule in favor of the petitioner, because he has a stake on the outcome of his decision.

Other culprits who are also fueling the land disputes for financial gains are the mayor of Hargeisa, his deputy and some Hargeisa City council members. Instead of running the daily tasks of the city such as picking up the trash, repairing roads, and making the city streets safer, cleaner and friendlier for the families. These local elected officials become rich, in Somaliland standard, by manipulating a phony land titling and registration schemes.

Because of their knowledge of impending land registration, they usually register some land on the names of proxy persons. Then the land would be sold to the business communities or individuals for profit. Even though poorer people( mostly women, widows with children and young people) without access to education, lawyers, and government contact may find the land they thought was theirs has been sold to some else. In addition, their hut homes were destroyed, with no compensation. At last, they become homeless. While the elites (public officials, businessmen, politician and judges) made money or got land for speculation only.

Nevertheless, equitable land distribution would improve economic development, especially for women and widows, who own only 2% of the land in Somaliland. Land rights are very important for widows who lost men during the civil war, and female-headed households, who usually lose their land or other asset because of the male dominated society. It would eliminate those who are buying land for speculation purposes, would also generate revenue for the sale of the plots and provide a future tax base for the government.

Lately, advance in spatial data system have led into improvement in cadastral land surveys and land management. For example, John Drysdale's Somaliland cadastral survey used this technology to register and title effectively for small agricultural landowners in Gabiley County. We could use the same technology for urban areas as well as for grazing lands.

The current paper based land registration system is prone to duplication, misplaced documents, and inaccurate record keeping, and multiple land claims, which would lead into more disputes and costly litigation.

Land administrators in Burkina Faso and Ghana, for instance, used the geospatial surveys to create a more accurate land tenure system. While these new technologies would not solve all land related disputes, but at least, it would make the land registration simpler, efficient, and accessible for all landowners regardless of their income.

Layouts of urban planning schemes or zoning laws are needed. It is also important enough space to be allocated to public utilities, parks, playgrounds, schools and clinics. Today, Hargeisa, it is dusty and congested, and you could not even find a government owned plot for public use.

I believe it is time for Somaliland political leaders to pass laws for a land tenure system—coupled with a fair and honest enforcement and judicial system. What we have is a mess that is only benefiting for few.

Silanyo has opportunity to make history by enacting a land tenure system for Somaliland because it matters to our own national security and economy. Anything else would mean more deadly protracted land disputes.

Ali Mohamed is co-founder of the Growth and Development Club of Somaliland. It is a grass roots organization, located in Lewis Center, Ohio, which advocates for the improvement of economic conditions of the indigenous people of Somaliland.

 He can be reached at aliadm@aol.com

--
Ahmed Hassan Arwo

The Silanyo’s Arrest Of Gabiley Traditional, Political And Religious Leaders Reminds Gabiley People The Brutal Of Siyad Barre’s Rule

The Silanyo’s Arrest Of Gabiley Traditional, Political And Religious Leaders Reminds Gabiley People The Brutal Of Siyad Barre’s Rule

President Egal Requested from the Guurti and the Gabiley Elders to postpone the implementation

The Silanyo’s Government Arrested dozens of innocent Gabiley Political, Traditional and Religious leaders for the last one week, Government Security forces came into the homes of these respectful people in the midnight without Court Warrant which is against the Somaliland judicial system which is that no one can be arrested without Court Warrant, some of the Traditional leaders especially the Sultan Hussein Muse who is very sick is in the Jail and other two chiefs those who had car accident before their arrest with very serious injuries are in the Prison. Traditional leaders of Gabiley are well known for peace making for the last 20 years after being the Awdal Sub-clan aggressively taken their land and that the Gabiley people spared no efforts to seek justice and peace to regain their agricultural land which they fled from during the struggle Against Siyad Barre’s Dictatorship. In 1993 Somaliland very prominent Guurti Elders went Elbardale to arbitrate the Two Clans and hear their Case, The Guurti judged that the Agricultural Land of Elbardaale is owned by the Gabiley Community and have a right to take and the Government of Egal ordered to implement the Judgment of the Guurti without no condition. 

President Egal Requested from the Guurti and the Gabiley Elders to postpone the implementation of the Guurti Decision since the country was in crises and the Gabiley Elders accepted, the implementation of the decision took long and it has resulted confrontations in the Hamarta of Elbardaale in 2002. Early in 2009 the tension soured to the Sky which was resulted the death of many people, in the Same way many of Somaliland Traditional, Religious and other educators visited Elbardaale area to set their eyes on the agricultural land of Elbardaale to know whose is the real owner of the Elbardaale. All the people visited surprised when the saw the buildings, villages, farms, Schools which are destroyed during 1988 war and fled by the Gabiley Community, all the visitors surprised the reason of that the ownership of the Elbardaale is confronted since its clear that Gabiley Community owned the farms, villages which they show their legal ownership. 

In 2009, Rayaale’s Government requested from the Guurti Again to arbitrate the Two sides confronted Elbardaale, the Guurti selected a bunch of Guurti MPs who are not members of the two clans of Gabiley and Dilla, the Guurti created their base in Kalabaydh and called two sides to present their legal evidence of the ownership of the Elbardaale Land, the Gabiley Side presented all documents of ownership of Elbardaale, The Dilla side did not bring any legal document and the Guurti given 7 days to bring and they did not. 

Finally, the Guurti judged for the Land for Gabiley community and requested Daahir Rayaale to implement their judgment as soon as possible. But Dahir Rayaale never responded whether to implement or not and he left from the rule after he failed the Election. The Somaliland people were waiting that Silaanyo will implement the justice based judgment of the Guurti when he came to the Power but unfortunately he moved back the Police from Elbardaale and threw the judgment of the Guurti into his back and started to talk to the two tribes to reach false ceasefire agreement and the President returned the conflict as it is started after he came power an assumed all other things without nothing. Dear Mr. President, Justice is clear, do not seek justice somewhere else, the Justice is to implement the Guurti Judgment of Elbardaale in 1993 and the new judgment of the Guurti in 2009. Somaliland people are not waiting from you to follow the way of injustice and destruction of Somaliland. 



All in all, Somaliland people waiting from the President to capture the murders of the Seemaal three innocent people and the Murders of the Buqdhada one Innocent man and to implement the Judgment of the Guurti and also to release very soon the Gabiley Traditional, religious and political leaders. 



Abdirahman Mohamed 

Hargeisa-Somaliland 

wadajir2010@live.com

'Somaliland is part of Somalia': PM Abdiweli Gas

'Somaliland is part of Somalia': PM Abdiweli Gas

Somalia’s interim Prime Minister Prof. Abdiweli Mohamed Ali Gas has told the BBC Somali Service that the separatist region of Somaliland is “part of Somalia,” asserting political words that are sure to ignite a tough response from Somaliland’s ruling administration, Radio Garowe reports.



Somali PM Abdiweli Mohamed Ali Gas
Prime Minister Gas said that the international community “recognizes Somalia as one country” and commented that a “time shall come when Somali stakeholders including Somaliland will discuss how to strengthen the unity of Somalia.”

The Somali Prime Minister, who was appointed in June, is on a visiting trip to Denmark, days after he addressed the UN General Assembly in New York.

Somaliland, located in northwestern Somalia, unilaterally declared independence in 1991 but has not been recognized internationally.

Prime Minister Gas said the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) of Somalia “recognizes Somaliland as a state similar to Puntland,” adding: “What is important is to discuss areas of mutual cooperation and to agree on national interests.”

Speaking about Somali terror group Al Shabaab, Prime Minister Gas: “Within the one-year mandate of my administration, we shall remove terrorist groups from all of Somalia like the way we removed them from Mogadishu.”

GAROWE ONLINE

Prime Minister of Somalia's statement GENERAL DEBATE OF THE 66TH SESSION OF THE UNITED NATIONS GENERAL ASSEMBLY

Prime Minister of Somalia's statement GENERAL DEBATE OF THE 66TH SESSION OF THE UNITED NATIONS GENERAL ASSEMBLY Prime Minister of Somalia's statement GENERAL DEBATE OF THE 66TH SESSION OF THE UNITED NATIONS GENERAL ASSEMBLY Mr President, Mr Secretary-General, fellow delegates, ladies and gentleman: Mr President, let me take this opportunity to congratulate you on your election as President of the Sixty Sixth Session of the United Nations General Assembly. I would also like to congratulate our Secretary General of the United Nations on his re-election for a second term. We Somalis would like to thank him for his leadership as he put Somalia on the top of the agenda despite having too many competing priorities. We hope that Somalia will become peaceful and stable during his tenure. It is my honour to address you for the first time as the Prime Minister of Somalia. I come before you mindful of the enormous challenges of this important moment in our history and determined to act boldly in the cause of peace, justice and stability, not only on the Horn of Africa but on the African continent at large and in the world as a whole. The United Nations was founded on the conviction that the nations of the world could come together in the spirit of cooperation to tackle their common problems for the sake of the whole of humanity. I wish to speak of the challenges facing Somalia whose effects have found ample expression in the current dire situation in the country, and some of which threaten each country represented here. Let me take this opportunity to thank the Prime Minister of Turkey for his genuine leadership and for highlighting the plight and the suffering of those people aggected by the famine. The seemingly unending humanitarian crisis in Somalia has many and varied causes. Decades of conflict, the demise of the central state, poor and kleptocratic leadership and struggles between clans for limited resources, exacerbated by cycles of devastating droughts, have created chronic food shortages, an underdeveloped economy and has driven the population to despair. In recent years, the global terrorist organisation, Al Qaeda, has sought to exploit these divisions and weaknesses to plot and execute attacks on the rest of the world. Our people know only too well the destruction that a few people, blinded by an ideology of extremism and terror, can wreak on a country. It is this small minority, primarily the Al Qaeda affiliated group al Shabaab, that is responsible for the current famine that is spreading throughout the country through their polices of systematically looting grain stores; forcible recruitment of and extortion from farmers and their families; and preventing access to the most affected regions in the south to aid agencies. However, the threat they pose is not limited to our borders. Foreign fighters have sought to export their noxious extremism to the rest of the Horn, recruiting and sponsoring acts of terror in neighbouring countries such as Uganda, where last year they murdered 76 innocent people. The insecurity they have created in the south of Somalia has led to a large influx of refugees into Kenya and Ethiopia, straining resources and spreading instability across the region. They are also actively planning to strike further afield. Just this week, one of the leaders of the al Shabaab said the group is committed to continuing its battle against the government of Somalia and also seeks to destroy both the United States and the United Nations. It is also a well known fact that the al Shabaab have been focussing their recruitment and radicalisation efforts on Somali Diasporas in Australia, Europe, Canada and in the USA. Clearly, the battle against Al Qaeda is one in which we all have a stake and in which we all, therefore, have responsibilities. In Somalia, we have been doing what we can, within our limited resources, to fulfill our obligations in this regard. Barely a month after US forces killed Osama bin Laden, one of his most wanted deputies, Fazul Abdullah Mohammed, was shot dead by Somali security forces on the outskirts of Mogadishu. Shortly thereafter, with the aid of African Union forces, the Somali National Army succeeded in forcing the extremists to withdraw the bulk of their forces from the capital. As a result, we are now able to begin to provide needed humanitarian assistance to the city’s ever increasing population of internally displaced persons who are fleeing the areas still held by the extremists where the famine has hit hardest. Though the extremists’ retreat from Mogadishu is a welcome development, it may herald a new and more dangerous phase of the conflict as they increasingly turn to asymmetric tactics such as suicide bombings and the use of improvised explosive devices targeting the civilian populace. As we continue build up our capacities, our security agencies are alert to this threat and have already successfully disrupted a number of planned attacks, including several targeting the hungry at feeding centers. Mr. President, Terrorism preys on decaying states, exploiting the poverty and the ungoverned spaces to radicalize, recruit and plan. This is why the extremists have consistently fought against the Somali Peace Process and sought to destroy the institutions it has generated. Somalia’s leaders are redoubling efforts to achieve national reconciliation and entrench democratic governance. Three weeks ago, with the help of our international partners, we hosted a National Consultative Conference in Mogadishu -the first - during which the transitional institutions and representatives of regional administrations came together to adopt a Roadmap to the re-establishment of permanent, legitimate and representative government for the country. This conference, the culmination of Somali-led reconciliation initiatives dating back to the Arta Declaration of May 2000, represents the best hope for Somalia to establish a firm political foundation from which to rebuild. The Roadmap is a significant achievement for the Somali Peace Process. Its adoption marks the first of many steps on the path to the eventual conclusion of the transition process in a responsible and productive manner. It has also shed light on the remaining transitional tasks, including the drafting and promulgation of a new constitution. The Transitional Federal Institutions have committed to meeting the specific timelines and benchmarks for their implementation as outlined in the Roadmap and this will allow the Somali people to monitor our performance in this regard.  The support of the international community is also crucial to ensuring its success. Indeed the Conference itself would not have taken place but for the continued engagement of the international community. Let me also take this opportunity to express my gratitude, on behalf of the entire nation, to the African Union, and especially Uganda and Burundi, for the support they have given and the sacrifices they have made so far in this worthy cause. The fact that the Conference was safely held in Mogadishu is testimony to the achievements in security that their forces have made possible in the city. I must also thank all the countries represented here for the bilateral and multilateral support given to both the transitional institutions and the AU Mission in Somalia, without which none of what has been achieved, would have been possible. Going forward, as we embark on the final leg of the transition process, we will continue to need your help and support. The Roadmap has illuminated the path and though dangers may lie in the shadows, we will not divert from it. We ask that you continue to accompany us on this journey and continue to provide needed resources as we advance towards full sovereignty Despite the remarkable progress we have made so far, the gains we have made remain fragile and consolidating them will require resilience and unity from all. It is critical that the Somali Army and AMISOM are urgently reinforced so they can prevent a security vacuum in the areas of Mogadishu recently vacated by the fleeing extremists, and make the city safe for both residents and aid workers. The immediate deployment of the extra 3000 AMISOM troops already authorized by the UN Security Council would be a crucial first step. Along with this, I have asked the Security Council to reconsider the request from the African Union to expand the force strength to 20,000 troops and provide them with the necessary resources and support, including an air and marine component, so that the zone of safety can be expanded to include the rest of the country. In addition to this, we must also begin to demonstrate to the people the fruits of peace and democracy and to reverse the harmful effects of radicalisation. Somalia needs the help of the outside world to rebuild its economy and provide jobs for the millions of our young people who have been deprived of opportunities by the anarchy of the past two decades. We must show them that there is a better alternative to the gun. The effort must begin at home. Let me be the first to acknowledge that, in the past, we Somalis made mistakes, which eroded the trust the international community has in our institutions. Somalia can and must do better. In this time of national crisis, we the Somali people must set aside our differences and come together to confront the perils. Reconciliation must become our mantra as we work to further the peace process and create an environment conducive for the delivery of aid. We in the political class must also accept our responsibility for the errors of the past and resolve to do better. The Somali people have had enough of war and hunger; enough of political wrangling and corruption. They demand, and indeed deserve, a government that puts the national interest before personal ambition; one that fosters unity, not division. The Transitional Federal Government is making efforts to reverse this and to instil a sense of patriotism and responsibility. We are making good progress in injecting professionalism and transparency into revenue collection and economic management systems, as well as to strengthen internal mechanisms governing dispersal of government money and create a more open and accountable fiscal and monetary system. The Central Bank of Somalia is up and running and the economic reforms have resulted in the doubling of revenue from the Mogadishu Seaport and quadrupled those from the Aden Ade International Airport. The funds are being reinvested in provision of services to the people as our current capability allows. For example, 15 per cent of the revenue collected from the Seaport has been set aside for the rehabilitation of the city. As a result, for the first time in twenty years Mogadishu is being cleared of rubble; roads are being repaired and streets lit; markets, hospitals and schools are reopening. A register containing the names and biometric data of all members of the security forces has been compiled and our soldiers are receiving their allowances regularly. As required by the Roadmap, we have also embarked on the process of identifying nominees to the Interim Independent Anti-Corruption Commission and we are formulating a National Fiscal Budget for the coming fiscal year. As with the gains in the security sector, in order to entrench and safeguard these reforms, and to deliver on the expectations of the Somali people, we in the Transitional Federal Government must improve on our performance and create necessary conditions for the growth of the Somali economy. However, the scale of the challenge is such that we will continue to rely on the help of our international partners. It is understandable that in the prevailing global economic environment, many in the wealthier countries will be tempted to look to their own problems to the detriment of providing aid and investment to their poorer cousins in the developing world. I would caution against this. The visionaries who founded this body understood that it was impossible to secure economic benefits for a section of the global population for as long as these remain a distant dream for the rest and sought to establish an interlinked global political and economic infrastructure which ensured that citizens in every country could participate in, and partake of the fruits of, global prosperity.  I therefore urge the international community to continue its generous support for the emerging economic institutions as we strive to rebuild the destroyed infrastructure and to jump start economic activity in the areas our forces are securing. To the business community, I say Somalia is truly Africa’s sleeping giant and a relatively small investment here will go a long way. With the longest coastline on the continent, bountiful and unexploited natural wealth and an entrepreneurial tradition that dates back to the Roman times, a peaceful Somalia would be a force for moderation and an engine of growth and prosperity for the region and for the continent. Further, the integration of Somalia into the global economy will have a considerable and beneficial impact on the phenomenon of piracy from our shores, which imposes huge costs on global trade. As has been noted by many observers, the lasting solution to this menace is not to be found in policing the high seas. The regeneration of a vibrant economy on the land, providing jobs and opportunity for all, is the sole antidote. Mr. President, The humanitarian situation in Somalia remains dire. The UN has declared famine in a sixth region which means that up to half the population is now facing the prospect of starvation. Many of these continue to come to the capital seeking refuge and over half a million have already arrived. To deal with this situation and to oversee the delivery of humanitarian assistance, a high level cabinet committee has been created and, as per its recommendations, the government has established several camps to house and feed them. A Disaster Management Agency, comprising members of the civil society has also been established and we are working with UN agencies such as the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees and the World Food Program to synchronize our efforts to deal with the famine. On behalf of the entire Somali nation, I wish to express my gratitude for the pledges of assistance that have been received from governments and humanitarian agencies around the world. The greatest need, however, continues to be felt within areas still under the effective control of the extremists, where access by international humanitarian agencies is severely restricted. The insurgents are also hampering the freedom of movement of millions who are trying to reach help either in Mogadishu or in neighboring countries. Without urgent interventions to change this situation, it is estimated that up to three-quarters of a million people may perish in the next few months. Though normal to above-normal rainfall is expected to return in the next three months, this is unlikely to result in a significant easing of the crisis in the short term since the harvest would not be expected till February. In any case, the production from the short rain season only accounts for a third of total annual cereal production. The displacement of farmers by the current famine will only further reduce the expected yield. In fact, the UN has indicated that it expects the famine to spread to the rest of the south by the end of the year. It is therefore critical that we accelerate efforts to reach those in al Shabaab controlled areas, while at the same time ensuring that international humanitarian workers are afforded a measure of security against attacks and kidnappings by the insurgents. As I noted earlier, the international community must urgently reinforce our efforts to extend the zone of safety for aid workers beyond Mogadishu and into these areas. In the meantime my government will continue to work closely with humanitarian agencies to collect and share information on needs and we stand ready to cooperate with all actors to ensure aid gets to the most critically affected populations wherever they may be. As stated before, the challenges I have outlined have been aggravated by the increasing cycles of devastating drought that we experience as a result of the changes in global climate patterns. We in the Horn of Africa have been affected more than most. As I speak, the region is experiencing its worst drought in a generation and the scale of the suffering in my country is testament to price we are having to pay. There needs to be a concerted effort not just to address the causes of climate change but also to mitigate the adverse effects, especially in countries such as Somalia that have contributed little to the problem but are bearing the brunt of its consequences. In this regard, let me reiterate the appeal issued during the recent Summit on the Horn of Africa Crisis held in the Kenyan capital, Nairobi, for developed nations to facilitate the transfer of technology and building up of the capacity of developing nations to adapt to these challenges. Somalia will require assistance to improve water resource management and reduce our reliance on rain-fed agriculture even as we strive to implement the targets agreed to at the Nairobi Summit of ten percent forest cover and irrigated land by the year 2017. Furthermore, we fully support the right of Palestine to become a full member of the Community of Nations. We believe the two-state solution for the Palestinian – Israeli problem, where Palestinians should be allowed to live in peace and dignity in their own homeland. We have all seen the changes happening in the Arab World and the international community must support the peaceful and democratic aspirations of the people. We must all support the National Transitional Council of Libya in order to bring peace and stability in that country. In conclusion, today the future of Somalia hangs in the balance and with it the prospect of peace, stability and prosperity on the Horn of Africa and security for nations across the world. Resolute global action in support our efforts is now required if we are to consolidate and build on the gains already made, and extend them to the rest of the country for the sake of future generations. Thank You. -- Abdirahman Omar Osman (Eng. Yarisow) Senior Advisor to the Prime Minister of Somalia & Spokesperson of the Government Tel: +252615479911 or +252699998854 E-mail: ayarisow@opm.gov.so E-mail: engabdirahman@gmail.com

Corruption kills human rights and erodes democracy.

Corruption kills human rights and erodes democracy.

Corruption kills human rights and erodes democracy.

Ahmed Arwo

Democracy is the best possible system of government, but there is a dangerous disease that eats its body alive bit by bit. Corrupt elite worldwide poison the system with ill gotten money, buying votes in a different level of the society. In election they do bribe the public with fictitious programmes if not direct cash; in Parliament they silence the critic with its venom. Families are adulterated and children lose their decency. It is a sordid and cancerous disease that leaves no one untouched.

Corruption is the master key to injustice. It allows innocent citizens jailed, while despicable criminals fill seats of authority. Judges serve not justice but deliberate according to the price offered. Police are bought as well as all security apparatus. Drugs and weapons are stored in ministerial offices and residence and in many times under the bed of presidency itself. No nation can prosper nor enjoy persistent peace without eradicating corruption. It is a slow killer but surely a killer that misses no target, as the target is so big to miss. It aims the entire nation.

Democracy as a safeguard of human rights can function, where rule of law prevails. That guarantee is non-existent in most developing nations. The Western Democracies rather than helping to nurture the essential institutions of democracy, engage greedy local politicians in transactions that are illegal to say the least and mostly of criminal in nature. They offer aid, grants and loans to despotic governments and in many times earn kickbacks in the process. It is that which cements a system of bribery and sleaze in developing states. Most grants and loans earmarked for the poor ends in the mouths of tyrants and their entourage.

President Obama is right to address corruption in Afghanistan, but that should entail all countries. Let us reward good governance and democracy and punish the rotten regimes that stick to the chair of satanic authority. They defend their illegitimate power ruthlessly and nothing to contribute to the well-being of their people. They rule by denying all basic human rights, turning the masters of their power into slaves. They loot people's properties, as they did to people's power. Ban them to travel, never giving them the chance to enjoy the courtesy of civilised nations. Trace their ill gotten wealth and prohibit them to taste purchase of a single penny they stole.

Climate change challenges cannot be mitigated without addressing the widely spread corruption in the developing states. No convention or treaty will be binding where everything is for sale, where deals have no restrictions, except the higher bidder gets all. World security is at risk where that kind of thinking is practised. Terrorists can find safe haven in corrupt states. They buy their way in and out. There is no more urgent and severe challenge to us all than corruption.

Building democratic institutions is the most effective remedy to crippling disease of corruption.

Here I illustrate some of the areas that call for immediate cure:

1. Capacity building of Parliaments as people's representatives is extremely needed. Even financial help to members can be justified .The more we spend on Parliament; the more we can make the legislative corrupt regimes to account.

2. Equally, the Police and Judiciary should be given a helping hand.

3. Elections should be monitored and supervised by independent forums.

4. Their fairness depends on the impartiality of nation's media. No state should be allowed to ban independent and free Medias. The West should provide direct help to build free media worldwide.

5. The need of a democratic opposition should be secured in international convention, binding on all nations.

A recent phenomenon damages the essence of democracy in old democracies. Democracy has its shortfalls. Lack of enthusiasm reduced citizens' participation in politics. The abundance of freedom and tranquillity reduced the urge to involve in politics. That is witnessed in ever decreasing number of voters in national elections. It undermines the soul of democracy and gives un-proportional share of power to extremist few. If that tendency is not reversed, the rights of minorities will be at risk. We saw the referendum of banning Islamic Minarets in Switzerland. The vote of approval of this Stone Age subjugation of minority rights is passed by 57% of 53% of the registered electorates. That means 30% of the eligible voters. It is clear that the Swiss extremists manipulated and massaged their system to their advantage. Democracy rather than majority rule is nowadays a minority rule. Well focused minority kidnaps the Western democracy and if that bias is unrestricted, we will lose all the rights associated with democracy bit by bit.

In conclusion let me leave you for your perusal conventional and essential rights glorified in the UNIVERSAL DECLARATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS. Learn them and gauge your government with them. How many of these rights are spoiled, how many are never heard in your state, and how many are known to the public. It will tell you where your nation is at the world league of good governance, transparency and democracy, all crucial ingredients of basic human rights.

UNIVERSAL DECLARATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS

THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY proclaims THIS UNIVERSAL DECLARATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS as a common standard of achievement for all peoples and all nations, to the end that every individual and every organ of society, keeping this Declaration constantly in mind, shall strive by teaching and education to promote respect for these rights and freedoms and by progressive measures, national and international, to secure their universal and effective recognition and observance, both among the peoples of Member States themselves and among the peoples of territories under their jurisdiction.

Article 1.

All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood.

Article 2.

Everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration, without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status. Furthermore, no distinction shall be made on the basis of the political, jurisdictional or international status of the country or territory to which a person belongs, whether it be independent, trust, non-self-governing or under any other limitation of sovereignty.

Article 3.

Everyone has the right to life, liberty and security of person.

Article 4.

No one shall be held in slavery or servitude; slavery and the slave trade shall be prohibited in all their forms.

Article 5.

No one shall be subjected to torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.

Article 6.

Everyone has the right to recognition everywhere as a person before the law.

Article 7.

All are equal before the law and are entitled without any discrimination to equal protection of the law. All are entitled to equal protection against any discrimination in violation of this Declaration and against any incitement to such discrimination.

Article 8.

Everyone has the right to an effective remedy by the competent national tribunals for acts violating the fundamental rights granted him by the constitution or by law.

Article 9.

No one shall be subjected to arbitrary arrest, detention or exile.

Article 10.

Everyone is entitled in full equality to a fair and public hearing by an independent and impartial tribunal, in the determination of his rights and obligations and of any criminal charge against him.

Article 11.

(1) Everyone charged with a penal offence has the right to be presumed innocent until proved guilty according to law in a public trial at which he has had all the guarantees necessary for his defence.

(2) No one shall be held guilty of any penal offence on account of any act or omission which did not constitute a penal offence, under national or international law, at the time when it was committed. Nor shall a heavier penalty be imposed than the one that was applicable at the time the penal offence was committed.

Article 12.

No one shall be subjected to arbitrary interference with his privacy, family, home or correspondence, nor to attacks upon his honour and reputation. Everyone has the right to the protection of the law against such interference or attacks.

Article 13.

(1) Everyone has the right to freedom of movement and residence within the borders of each state.

(2) Everyone has the right to leave any country, including his own, and to return to his country.

Article 14.

(1) Everyone has the right to seek and to enjoy in other countries asylum from persecution.

(2) This right may not be invoked in the case of prosecutions genuinely arising from non-political crimes or from acts contrary to the purposes and principles of the United Nations.

Article 15.

(1) Everyone has the right to a nationality.

(2) No one shall be arbitrarily deprived of his nationality nor denied the right to change his nationality.

Article 16.

(1) Men and women of full age, without any limitation due to race, nationality or religion, have the right to marry and to found a family. They are entitled to equal rights as to marriage, during marriage and at its dissolution.

(2) Marriage shall be entered into only with the free and full consent of the intending spouses.

(3) The family is the natural and fundamental group unit of society and is entitled to protection by society and the State.

Article 17.

(1) Everyone has the right to own property alone as well as in association with others.

(2) No one shall be arbitrarily deprived of his property.

Article 18.

Everyone has the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion; this right includes freedom to change his religion or belief, and freedom, either alone or in community with others and in public or private, to manifest his religion or belief in teaching, practice, worship and observance.

Article 19.

Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers.

Article 20.

(1) Everyone has the right to freedom of peaceful assembly and association.

(2) No one may be compelled to belong to an association.

Article 21.

(1) Everyone has the right to take part in the government of his country, directly or through freely chosen representatives.

(2) Everyone has the right of equal access to public service in his country.

(3) The will of the people shall be the basis of the authority of government; this will shall be expressed in periodic and genuine elections which shall be by universal and equal suffrage and shall be held by secret vote or by equivalent free voting procedures.

Article 22.

Everyone, as a member of society, has the right to social security and is entitled to realization, through national effort and international co-operation and in accordance with the organization and resources of each State, of the economic, social and cultural rights indispensable for his dignity and the free development of his personality.

Article 23.

(1) Everyone has the right to work, to free choice of employment, to just and favourable conditions of work and to protection against unemployment.

(2) Everyone, without any discrimination, has the right to equal pay for equal work.

(3) Everyone who works has the right to just and favourable remuneration ensuring for himself and his family an existence worthy of human dignity, and supplemented, if necessary, by other means of social protection.

(4) Everyone has the right to form and to join trade unions for the protection of his interests.

Article 24.

Everyone has the right to rest and leisure, including reasonable limitation of working hours and periodic holidays with pay.

Article 25.

(1) Everyone has the right to a standard of living adequate for the health and well-being of himself and of his family, including food, clothing, housing and medical care and necessary social services, and the right to security in the event of unemployment, sickness, disability, widowhood, old age or other lack of livelihood in circumstances beyond his control.

(2) Motherhood and childhood are entitled to special care and assistance. All children, whether born in or out of wedlock, shall enjoy the same social protection.

Article 26.

(1) Everyone has the right to education. Education shall be free, at least in the elementary and fundamental stages. Elementary education shall be compulsory. Technical and professional education shall be made generally available and higher education shall be equally accessible to all on the basis of merit.

(2) Education shall be directed to the full development of the human personality and to the strengthening of respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. It shall promote understanding, tolerance and friendship among all nations, racial or religious groups, and shall further the activities of the United Nations for the maintenance of peace.

(3) Parents have a prior right to choose the kind of education that shall be given to their children.

Article 27.

(1) Everyone has the right freely to participate in the cultural life of the community, to enjoy the arts and to share in scientific advancement and its benefits.

(2) Everyone has the right to the protection of the moral and material interests resulting from any scientific, literary or artistic production of which he is the author.

Article 28.

Everyone is entitled to a social and international order in which the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration can be fully realized.

Article 29.

(1) Everyone has duties to the community in which alone the free and full development of his personality is possible.

(2) In the exercise of his rights and freedoms, everyone shall be subject only to such limitations as are determined by law solely for the purpose of securing due recognition and respect for the rights and freedoms of others and of meeting the just requirements of morality, public order and the general welfare in a democratic society.

(3) These rights and freedoms may in no case be exercised contrary to the purposes and principles of the United Nations.

Article 30.

Nothing in this Declaration may be interpreted as implying for any State, group or person any right to engage in any activity or to perform any act aimed at the destruction of any of the rights and freedoms set forth herein. END.

I hope this bird's eye view highlighted how it is essential to build on good governance and justice worldwide, in order to bolster world security. Terrorism and injustice go hand in hand, and no corrupt system can defeat terrorism. Get rid of corrupt regimes, punish despots, nurture democracies, and establish free and independent media. These steps will bring about a peaceful world, where humanity co-exists in harmony, entertaining diversity in culture and religion.We will all enjoy our basic common need for justice and peace.

Ahmed Arwo

Political Analyst

Muslim World and Africa

samotalis@gmail.com

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