Ogeysiis: Shir Telefoonka Ah Oo Hogaanka Xisbiga Kulmiye Kula Hadli Doono Qurba Joogta Somaliland

Ogeysiis: Shir Telefoonka Ah Oo Hogaanka Xisbiga Kulmiye Kula Hadli Doono Qurba Joogta Somaliland

Waxan kugu soo dhoweynayna inad nagala soo qayb gasho shir telefonka ay maalinta Axada, bisha May 2deeda marka ay sacadu tahay (2pm Washington). Shirkaas waxa kasoo qayb geli doona madaxda iyo hogaanka xisbiga KUlmiye, kuwaas oo soo bandhigi doono qorshaha iyo barnaamijka xisbiga Kulmiye ee doorashoyinka soo socda, haddii eebe idmo. Dadka ka hadli doona shirkaas waxa ka mid ah:

 Ahmed Mohamed Mohamud (Silanyo) and Abdirahman Abdillahi Ismail (Saylici). Sidoo kale waxa ka mid ah: Muse Bixi 
Abdi, Dr. Mohamed Abdi Gabose, Bashe Abdi Gaboobe, Mohamed Iskeerse, Mohamed Abdillahi Omar, Kayse Mohamed Cige,  Mohamud Xaashi and Abdiraxman Talyanle.

1 – Taariikhda shirka: May 2, 2010
2 – Wakhtiga: 11am (California time), 2pm (Washington DC and Toronto), 7pm (London), 9pm 
Hargeisa, 10pm (Dubai)
3 – Garaac numberka USA and Canada: USA & Canada: 712-432-1001 and Access Code: 
447416398#
4 – Europe hadad joogto numberkan garaac:
       a) UK: 0844-58-191-02 and Access Code: 381217#
       b) Netherlands: 0870 001 920 and Access Code: 381217#
       c) Belgium: 070 35 9974  and Access Code: 381217#
       d) Germany: 01805 00 76 09 and Access Code: 381217#
       e) France: 0826 100 256 and Access Code: 381217#
       f) Ireland: 0818 270 021 and Access Code: 381217#
       g) Italy: 848 390 156 and Access Code: 381217#
       h) Austria: 0820 4000 1552  and Access Code: 381217# 

Kasoo qayb gal wanaagsan maalinta axada ah.

BARNAAMAJKA KULMIYE IYO ASTAANTA KULMIYE

BARNAAMAJKA KULMIYE IYO ASTAANTA KULMIYE

CODKAAGA KU CIIL BAX Q 24

Ahmed Arwo

Hor iyo horaan aan hanbalyo iyo bogaadin u gudbiyo Komishanka Doorashooyinka ee soo afjaray caqabadihii horjoogay doorashada una noqday marmarsiiyo doorasho diidka Soomaliland. Haddaba waxaan leeyahay waxaad muujiseen daacadnimo, hawlkarnimo iyo geesinimo aydaan xilkiina uga baqan darafyada ku loolamaaya hogganka dalka, eegayna danta qaranka iyo badbaadada ummadda. Waa xil idiin gaara ilaa imikana waxaad muujiseen xilkasnimo, Alle waxaaan idinka baryayaa inaydun inta hadhsana sidoo kale ku qaabishaan. Dariiqa aad raacdeen eed taladiina ka yeesheen mid aan ka taganayn la-tashiga bulshada bal se aan go'aanka leydinla yeelani waa dhabbo xalaal ah oo nin kasta oo daacad ihi arki karo. Ha ka leexanina, noqdana qaar magacoodu ka galo taariikhda dhinaca midigta. Weli hawli ma dhammaan, indhaha ummadduna dushiina ayey saran yihiin. Alle haydinla qabto hawsha inta idiin hadhsan.

Inta aanan gudagelin dulucda maqaalka, aan wax ka idhaahdo hab-dhaqan isa soo taraaya oo loo fahmay in been abuur iyo ceebeyni tahay xeelad siyaasadeed oo lagu adeegto. Waxa xaqiiq ah in beentu tahay aafo bulshada baabiisa, una horseeda dhaqan xumo ku dambeeya musuqmaasuq iyo cadaald darro. Ma cimri dheera, kolka la ogaadana waxay u keentay kii maciinsaday wajigabax iyo guul darro culus. Waxay dhalisaa in laga aamin baxo oo waa tii la yidhi beentaada hore, runtaada dambe ayey wax yeeshaa. Islaamkuna waxuu u arkaa dambi culus iyo masiib laga digtoonaado. Rasuulkeenu SCW waxuu sheegay in muslimku dambiyo badan fali karo, bal se aanu noqon Karin beenaale. Ilaa xadkaas ayey dambi ahaan culustay. Waa aafo dagaal dhalin karta, bulshada u horseedi karta baa'ba iyo burbur.

Waxa xaqiiq ah in siyaasaddu tahay xeelad iyo xerfad la barto oo leh mabaadii asaasi ah. Waxa kow ka ah hogaamin-wanaag, dabci wacan iyo akhlaaq suuban, waxa taas qasab ka dhigta waxa ruuxa siyaasiga ahi rabaa inuu soo jiito dadweyne ay tahay inuu tuso wax ay ku soo hirtaan iyo qanac ay aaminaan. Waxa loo baahdaa waa aftahnimo qancin karta dadka oo uu ku soo bandhigi karo damaciisa oo ka dhex muuqda danta guud ee dadweynah uu hogaankooda rabo. Waxa ka mid ah sifooyinka hogaaminta fiican: Dulqaadnimo, dabacsanaan, hawl-gudbin ( Delegation), Qorshe wacan, odoror, sahamin, xidhiidhiye, dhegaysi wacan, samir, tilmaam wanaag, aaaminaad, iyo ilaalinta wadajirka kooxdiisa, (Teamwork), IYO AFTAHAN AAN AFMIISHAAR AHAYN.

Siyaasiinta Afrika weliba kuwa aqoonta yarI waxay si toos ah oon gabad lahayn been iyo balan soo noqnoqda ayey sheegaan, waayo xerfad siyaasadda ayaa marti ku ah. Ma suurtagasheen inay xukuumaddaasi dal horumaray ay xukunto maamul looga bartay been iyo balan la'aani. Ma laha barnaamaj iyo qorshe ay dadweynaha soo hordhigaan. Waxay ka werwareegaan wax kasta oo qoraal ah, xataa ma laha ajende iyo go'aamo ka soo baxa shirarka kala gedisan ee ay qabtaan .

BARNAAMAJKA XISBIGA

Waxa adag si ay mucaaridku u helaan xog ay ku saleeyaan barnaamaj ay dadka ka iibiyaan ooy tusaan sida ay uga duwan yihiin kuwa hoggaanka haya. Dal aan lahayn xarun laga helo tirokoobyada (Statistics) maamul dawladeed u baahan yahay, sida tirada dambiyada sanadkii oo kala nooc ah, iyagoo gobalaysan, sidoo kale ardayda, waxbarashada khraska ku baxa gobol kasta iyo degmo kasta, caafimadka, dakhliga iyo khrashak hay'ad kasta. iwm.

Taas oo jirta ayuu Kulmiye ku guulaystay inuu ummadda u soo bandhigo barnaamaj buuxa oo taabta hawl kasta oo dalku u baahan yahay, min caafimaad iyo difaaca, waxbarasho, beero, kalluumeysiga, kheyraadka kale, xoolaha, dhirta, warbahinta, kor-u-qadka garsoorka iyo dhammeystirka dastuurka iyo geedi socodka dimuquraadiyada.

Barnaamajka xisbigu waxuu ku salaysan yahay xuuran iyo baadhis culus oo muddo dheer qaadatay, ayna ka qayb qaateen aqoonyahano ku xeel dheer qaybaha ay ka hawl galeen. Waxuu yahay murti laga soo uruuriyey rayiga taageerayaasha oo ka turjumeysa rabitaanka bulshoweynta. Waxaa saldhig u ah mabda' faca weyn ee wada-tashiga, waxaa aasaas u ah dastuurka qaranka, iyo dhaabayaasha dimuquraadiyada.

Waxuu yahay tilmaam wacan oo laga dheehan karo sida hoggaanka xisbigu diiradda u saaray kala-horumarinta waaxyaha hawl-qabadka xukuumadda. Waxa ku cad sida isha loogu hayo tacliinta, caafimaadka iyo arrimaha horumarinta dhaqaale iyo bulsho ee dadweynah. Intaas oo dhan waxa la soo qorsheeyey, iyadoon xog iyo xisabtan midna laga hayn xukuumadda, ay waajibkeeda ahayd inay bulshada ka dhergisu odoros miisaaniyadeed oo bileysan, gobalaysan, oo qaybaysan, iyo tirkoobyo lagu muujiyo waxqabadka waaxaha wasaaradaha iyo hay'adaha, si loo arko halka ay mudnaanta siisay, ayna u helaan mucaaridku barnaaaj ka duwan oo ay tusaan dadweynaha, kaas u suuragelinaaya inay ku kala doortaan shacbiga ka dheregsan wax-qabad la'aanta xukuumadda iyo balamadii lagaga baxay.

Waana mid waajib ka dhigaaya dul saran dal dimuquraadi ah, oo ku arooraaya mabda'a in awood kasta ay la socoto la-xisaabtan ( Authority and responsibility). Hab maamul-wanaaga waxaa udub-dhexaad u ah, daahfurnaan (Tranparency). Dalka taas laga waayaa waa dal u marti ah nidaam musuqmaasuq oo ragaadiya horumarka iyo dhismaha dhaqan, dhaqaale iyo bulsho ee dadweynaha. Waa furaha cadaalad darrada, kuna biyo shubta deganaansho la'aan iyo qalalaase joogta ah.

Anigoon gees garaacin, waxna ku talaalin aan idinku dhaafo barnamajka xisbiga ood ka heli karto kolkaad gujiso linkan:

https://docs.google.com/fileview?id=0B2ihL4hM00JYZjk2MDI0YjQtM2YyOS00ODZmLTgxNDItOTYzNDAxOGYwYWI1&hl=en_GB

Kulmiye maxuu kulmiyaa? Astaanta Kulmiye maxay u taagan yihiin?.

Xisbigu waa geed hadhac ah ooy hadhsadaan bulshoweynta Soomaliland ee gobal kasta iyo degmo kasta leh, waxuu kulmiyaa aqoonyahan nooc kasta leh, waxuu isu-keenaa da'yar iyo da'weyn, wiil iyo waalid, reer magaal iyo reer miyi, xoolo-dhaqato iyo beeraley, ganacsade iyo shaqaale.

Calaamadda xisbiga ee labada kacmood ee isa salaamayaa, waa qacan qaadkii beelaha Soomaliland ay ku aasaaseen qaranka Soomaliland 1991 ee Burco...labada gacmood waxay matalayaan Beelihii SNM iyo kuwii aan ahayn oo intay gacanta is-qabsadeen xididka u taagay Qaranka Soomaliland. Kulmiyaa astaan ka dhigtay, si uu u muujiyo midnimada bulshoweynta Soomaliland.

Waa mabda' xisbiga Kulmiye in la helo xukuumad loo dhan yahay, isku-dheelitiran, xuquuqda muwaadinku ka dheertay eex iyo kala-sooc, dal cadaaldu tahay midda hawl kasta lagu saleeyo, qaran dastuurka ku hawl-gala, sharci hago, xukuumaddu tahay shaqaalaha dadweynha kuna shaqaysa daah-furan iyo la-xisaabtan joogta ah.

Waa adigoo labada gacmood ee bulshoweynta Soomaliland isku-salaantay 1991 ka dhabeeya oo ku soo biira xisbiga mustaqbalka iyo xukuumadda horumarka iyo cadaaladda.

Guusha labada gacmood iyo labada midab ee matalaaya labada garab ee dadweynaha Soomaliland ee sida buuxda ugu midoobay 18 May 1991 iyo madashii Burco.

Waa Burco oo Boorame gacmaha qabsatay, Waa Hargeysa oo Hadaaftimo u gacan haadisay, waa Berbera oo Boocame u baaqday, waa Salal iyo Sool oo gogol wada fadhiya, waa Ceerigaabo iyo Cayn oo hadhuub wadaagaaya, waa madashii Kulmiye oo kulmisay Soomaliland min Lawyacaddu ilaa Ceelaayo, Waa calankii labaa midab le oo meel walba ka muuqda. Wey midowday oo wey tashatay, wey israacday oo wey tuurtay qabiil, wey dhaqaaqday oo wey diiday yuurur aan horumar lahayn, wey qubtay qudhun iyo laaluush, wey kala garatay danayste iyo daacad.

Waxaanu cagta saarnay dhabbadii guusha ee Allow nagu gargaar wanaaga aanu raadinayno.

Ugu dambayn aan xuso abtigay Maxamed Gaxnuug Cabdilaahi (KIDIFAAR), oo wiigan lagu aasay Hargeysa. Waxuu ahaa macalinkii ummadda isagoo gobal kasta ka shaqeeyey ilaa 1959, dhowaana ahaa Agaasimaha Agoonta Hargeysa oo aabbe iyo hooyaba u ahaa inta waalidka weyday iyo cid marada huwisa. Waxuu ahaa aftahan kaftan badan, carabkiisu aanu cidna waxyeelin, saaxib bulshaawi ah oo ruux walba dhoola-caddayn iyo gacmo furan ku qaabila, nin xarago badan oo xishood huwan, deeqsi aan waxba la hadhin, magaca iyo maamuska ilaaliya.

Waxaan ka baryayaa intii taqanay iyo inta maqashayba inay saamaxaan, u duceeyaan ooy Alle uga baryaan naxariis iyo dambi dhaaf isaga iyo maytida Islaamka oo dhan. Aamiin.

Aan dinku dhaafo Alle aamin, nabad iyo caano iyo nooli kolantee.

Mahad oo dhan Alle ayaa leh.

Join SAMOTALIS on facebook

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Ahmed Arwo

samotalis@gmail.com

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President Riyale came to power by accident not by design

President Riyale came to power by accident not by design 

Having served for so long in the late Egal's shadow, his leadership skills were an unknown quantity beyond his being a good listener who speaks little and whose behaviour in public seems stilt. Since Riyale, the incumbent President had not been in the political arena prior to his Vice – Presidency - he had been essentially unpopular figure across the country let alone internationally. He was overshadowed by the late President and father of nation – Mr. Mohamed H. Ibrahim Egal, who had been in the political field for more than five decades or so. President Riyale was bereft of all oratorical skills and all sorts of political experience that the Presidency demands; he did not have a political decisiveness and guts to confront with the challenges faced by him during his Vice-Presidency. 

Many people who are not versed in the politics of nascent republic of Somaliland principally, those non Somalilanders are presumably gobsmacked by the fashion in which such least qualified President had come to power as President of Somaliland. Riyale took the helm of the country thanks to the death of his predecessor – Mohamed H. Ibrahim Egal who died on 3 May 2002 while receiving medical treatment in South Africa. 

When the news of President Egal's death reached Hargeisa, the leaders of Somaliland's three councils (the two chambers of Parliament and the Council of Ministers) met to decide upon a course of action. Article 130 of the constitution stipulated that in the event of the President' death prior to the adoption of a multiparty system, the Parliament should elect a new President within 45 days. In the meantime, the speaker of the Parliament of House of Elders should serve as interim ChiefExecutive. It was an arrangement some believed was intended to preclude the accession of the Vice – President. Dahir Riyale, a Gadabursi, to the Presidency. "President Egal wanted to replace Riyale and establish a new team for the next government", a politician close to late President Egal explained to the International Crisis Group known as ICG." He – President Egal didn't want to leave the system as it was. In the wake of the referendum, he even called some Samaroon elders and asked them who else they might suggest as Vice- President.  
 

The leaders managing the transition were less concerned with Palace intrigues than with avoiding a political vacuum. Whether it was by accident or by design, they set aside Article 139 of the constitution an opted instead to apply Article 89 (intended to come into effect only after the first elections), which states that the Vice –President shall assume the office of the Presidency for the remainder of the term. By sunset on 3 May, Riyale had been sworn in as interim President until March 2003, and Somaliland had successfully navigated its first constitution transition. 

President Riyale's maiden Speech as interim President 

Thousands of people young and old thronged to the Kheyria square in the capital of Somaliland – Hargeisa in order to witness to the maiden speech being delivered by the provisional President of Somaliland, Dahir Riyale Kahin. Every singly body was extremely interested in Riyale's speech, because it was his first ever speech as President so this has invited a large scale of gathering at the Kheyria square. Luckily, I had been one of those audiences who thronged there to observe the inaugural speech of the President. More importantly, it was even difficult for some people to pronounce his name accurately, because this indicates that he was unpopular in the political sphere let alone throughout Somaliland. President Riyale seemed calm, cautious optimism in his speech, but was little jittery despite the fact that it was his inaugural speech being made to such gigantic throng that congregated at the Kheyria premises. In his inaugural address, President Riyale has made a deluge of promises – the most prominent pledges were: The extension of the administration to the eastern regions of Somaliland, judicial reforms and holding Presidential and Municipal polls as scheduled. 

In mid – 2002, Riyale declared judicial reforms as one of his top priorities, and ordered a bold shake –up of the justice system. The initiative was unpopular with sitting judges, but was warmly welcomed by a public exasperated by the judiciary's deterioration to state of "an open market where "justice is sold to the highest bidder." As part of reform effort, President Riyale appointed a new Chief Justice, Said Farah Ahmed and established an advisory Committee on the judiciary, which six judges described as unconstitutional and subsequently resigned. Riyale then booted the four remaining members to the Apex bench. Therefore, in April, 2003 when the Supreme Court was called upon to hand down judgment on the National Election Commission's decision, there were severe justices on the bench, all of them appointed by Riyale. Not surprisingly, many Somalilanders concluded (to paraphrase the American columnist Thomas Friedman's assessment of the 2000 American Presidential election) that the justice voted twice for President Riyale once in April and once in May. 

By fulfilling some of his promises, Riyale visited Lascanod in December 2002, which ended in a shoot –out between his bodyguards and militia sent by the former leader of Somalia semi – autonomous region of Puntland, Abdillahi Yusuf to liquidate him, reinforced the Dhulbahante sense of alienation. After the visit, Riyale imposed a state of emergency on Sool region, only to lift it in time for the local elections. In the aftermath of his abortive visit to Lascanod, Riyale gave orders that certain Somaliland officials should be withdrawn to the nearby town of Caynabo, ostensibly in order to thwart provoking a further clash. The resulting vacuum permitted the Puntland leadership to expand its presence in town.  

President Riyale wins the Presidential Polls 

On 14 April 2003, the people of Somaliland enjoyed an experience all too rare in the Horn of Africa: an election without a predetermined outcome. The re-election of the incumbent President, Dahir Riyale Kahin, came as surprise for a number for reasons: firstly, because of the razor thin margin of his victory, secondly, because he is not a member of Somaliland's majority clan. Thirdly, because the opposition was tipped to win. 

Somaliland's Presidential election since was remarkable for other reasons as well: it was the second election since December 2002, after a democratic hiatus of 32 years, and third time in as many years that Somalilanders have been given the opportunity to express their preference at the ballot box. These first bold steps towards democratisation set Somaliland apart from the rest of Somalia republic, which has become synonymous with the term "failed state" since the collapse of Siyad Barre's despotic regime in 1991 at a time when the Horn of Africa has been described as home to some of the "world's worst regimes." 

Long before polling day, it was clear that outcome of the Presidential election would be a close call. But when on the afternoon of 19 April, the National Election Commission finally declared the preliminary results; the margin of victory was uncomfortably thin: UDUB had won by only 80 votes. Prior to the elections, party leaders on all sides had committed themselves to abide by the electoral outcome. But the NEC's wobbly calculations which involved errors, omissions and the disqualified of over a dozen ballot boxes invited controversy. Both Kulmiye and UDUB cried foul and began to prepare complaints for submission at the Apex court, which was scheduled to announce the definitive result on 8 May. 

Kulmiye's initial challenge which it presented at a Hargeisa press conference on 23 April was deceptively simple NEC had simply botched its and erroneously dropped 156 Kulmiye's votes. Using the NEC's figures, Kulmiye reckoned it had actually won the election by 76 votes. But the commission stuck by its figures, and argued that, even if mistakes had been made, only the Apex court could now revise the preliminary election results. Its final report on the process asserts: Preliminary results were just that… preliminary results. The final authority of declaring of the winner of the election is the Supreme Court. The framers of the electoral law, the Parliament, recognised this system which provides the parties with a legal forum to present their grievances in the event of they decide to contest the preliminary results. Procedurally speaking, the commission's position was solid, but its refusal to review its won figures in light of Kulmiye's allegations drew angry charges that the commissioners had just "passed the buck" and awakened suspicion of their motives. 

Apex Court Verdict  

The responsibility for passing final judgment on the election fell to highest organ of Somaliland's judiciary: the Supreme Court. Both Kulmiye and UDUB presented their grievances in writing to the Apex court, which then sought clarification from the NEC. On the basis of this information, the Court then conducted open hearings with the representatives of the political parties and the NEC lawyers. Arriving at a judgment, the court essentially faced two options: either to uphold the figures announced by the NEC on 19 April, or to order recount. A third option, to assess whether specific ballot boxes had been justly or unjustly disqualified, would have been fairer to Somaliland's voters by ensuring that no vote was unnecessarily wasted, but it also threatened to open a Pandora's box of claims and counterclaims, probably requiring a delay of weeks, of not months, before, final decision could be reached. The Court, however, identified an unexpected fourth option: to present, without elucidation, different set of figures: UDUB had won the election not only 80 votes, but 217. Since the Court offered no explanation for the change, its 11 May verdict raised more questions that it answered and opened the Court to accusation of political bias. Indeed, Somaliland's judiciary has spent most of the past decade mired in incompetence, corruption and political interference. A recent report by a local research Organisation found the judiciary to be"the most neglected and under-funded of the three orders of the government," and described its application of law as "ad hoc, non-uniform, and highly subjective." 

Kulmiye was not alone in questioning UDUB's electoral victory, "everyone, including the cabinet, thought Kulmiye had won. An NEC member told ICG. "They had strong campaign, better propaganda, and they were gaining momentum." Even UDUB' leaders anticipated." They were furious … they felt they had been robbed of victory," stated a Parliamentarian who visited the Presidency the night before the NEC's decision. "I first heard that Kulmiye had won," Riyale told ICG, "and I was preparing to step down." However, the blame fell upon Kulmiye whose leadership steadfastly refused to accept defeat." The problem is that this is a system that knows one way to work; it's not for pluralism," one party activist told ICG, justifying the party's position."This is a government that chose its Parliament, named the Supreme Court and the Election Commission, then became a political party and arranged its own re-election. It was the judge, jury and executioner. Where is the democracy in that?"Kulmiye's chairman, Siilanyo, however, seemed anxious to downplay fears that party's truculence night turn to violence:    

I am a reasonably man and a man of peace. If it were alone and it was my decision alone, I could afford to say "fine, that is the way it happened and let's move on." But I am not alone… some of my supporters say "why don't you just form a (parallel) government?" But I won't go down that road, because no one can guarantee that we won't end up like Mogadishu. 

On 16 May 2003, Riyale was sworn in as Somaliland's President in a low-key ceremony at the State House from which opposition leaders were absent. UCID, satisfied with its unexpectedly robust third place finish, quickly announce its acceptance of the results. But when Kulmiye rejected the outcome and declared the court's decision illegitimate. Somalilanders at home and abroad held breath, fearful the worst. But some time later Kulmiye accepted the defeat and congratulated the new elect President, Riyale. 

Conclusion 

Being a Gadabursi has worked both for and against Riyale. Many Somalilanders are proud of that their political system has produced a leader from a minority clan – something that no other part of Somalia, nor even Djibouti, has managed to do. Others believe that Riyale offers better prospects for Somaliland's peace and stability than an Isaaq President since the destructive intra-Isaaq power struggles of the 1990s can be set aside. But significant number of majority clan resent seeing a minority President lead the country, among Harti of eastern of Somaliland, the notion of a minority President is also unpopular. Some simply feel that minority President lacks the political clout to take tough decisions in difficult times.

However, whether President Riyale came to power by accident or by design his days are numbered and lost the confidence and the trust which the people of Somaliland had reposed in him and his tenure had proven to be failure. The vast majority of Somalilanders are yearning for a Regime Change, which is the need of the hour and at this juncture, people see to it that change has come to Somaliland, and is highly inevitable. People should realise that the ballot is more powerful that the bullet and let's unseat the current sitting unpopular government that failed on every front by exercising our franchise at the ballot box. 

 
Mukhtar Mohamed Abby

India, Karnataka State
The writer can be reached at

 mukhtarcabi@hotmail.com  
 

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Posted By Samotalis to SAMOTALIS at 4/29/2010 04:22:00 PM

Muuse Biixi oo Caddeeyey in Haddii KULMIYE ku Guulaysto Talada aanay ku Dhaqmi Doonin Heshiisyadii Rayaale Galay Mudadii Dheeraadka ahay ee uu Xilka Hayey

Muuse Biixi oo Caddeeyey in Haddii KULMIYE ku Guulaysto Talada aanay ku Dhaqmi Doonin Heshiisyadii Rayaale Galay Mudadii Dheeraadka ahay ee uu Xilka Hayey 'Waxanu ku Hawlgalaynaa Waqtiga Komishanku Gooyey oo ah ugu Dambeyn 30-ka June inay Doorashadu Dhacdo wixii ka Dambeeyana Iskuma ogin, mana oggolin, wixii' Hargeysa (Jam)- Guddoomiye-ku-xigeenka 1aad ee xisbiga mucaaradka ee KULMIYE Md. Muuse Biixi Cabdi, ayaa ku hanjabay in xisbi ahaan aanay sinaba u aqbalay in doorashada madaxtooyadu dhaafto bisha 30 June ee sannadkan 2010, isaga oo xusay wixii ka dambeeya maalintaas aanay oggoleyn doorasho dhacda. Muj. Muuse Biixi Cabdi oo shalay ka hadlayey munaasibad xisbiga KULMIYE Jaamacadda Burco ugu wareejinayey gaadhi noociisu yahay Serf oo ay hore ugu ballanqaadeen, waxa uu ku nuux-nuuxsaday in cidda ku hawlan carqaladaynta qabsoomida doorashada aan sinaba looga yeeli doonin. "Sida aynu wada ognahay Komishanka Doorashooyinka Qaranku wuxuu ballanqaaday oo uu go'aamiyey in bisha June doorashada dhacayso, waanan soo dhoweynaynaa, waxa maalmahan u dambeeyey xisbiga talada haya ee UDUB ka soo baxayey hadallo is-khilaafsan, waad maqasheen Madaxweyne-ku-xigeenku warraysi uu siiyey BBC-da, waxaannu sheegay inay si cad diyaar ugu yihiin doorashada inay qabsoonto waqtigeeda, aad ayaannu u soo dhoweynaynaa dhawaaqaa Md. Axmed Yuusuf Yaasiin, isaga oo raaciyey haddii nagala helo si xilkasnimo leh ayaanu u wareejinaynaa, waa dhawaaq masuuliyadeed, xilkasnimo, waddaniyadeed, waxaanan leenahay xisbiga UDUB halkaas ha ka leexanin, war aan kaa ahayna yaanaan kaa maqlin. Isla xalay [habeen hore] waxa khilaafay hadalkaa Madaxweyne-ku-xigeenka qaar ka mid ah xisbiga UDUB oo Tv-ga Qaranka iyo saxaafadda ka lahaa, waa lagu degdegay iyo diyaar uma nihin, waxaannu raacaynaa hadalka Madaxweyne-ku-xigeenka, doorashadana wixii carqaladaynaya halaga daayo. Waxaynu ognahay in aynu gelnay heshiis lix qodob ah oo adduunku innagu dhex joogo, waxa ka mid ahaa wixii Seerfarkaa ka soo baxa in aannu aqbalayno oo aannu hore u saxeexnay, xisbina ka hadli karin, waxaananu ku hawlgalnay wixii ay soo saaraan aqoonyahannada ay gacantooda ku jirto ayaanu ku hawlgalaynaa. Waxaannu ku hawlgalaynaa waqtigaa uu gooyey Komishanku oo ah ilaa 30 June ayey noo calaamadiyeen, ugu dambeyn 30-ka June inay doorashadu dhacdo wixii ka dambeeyana iskuma ogin, mana oggolin, wixii carqaladaynayana waxaannu leenahay waa waxaan loo fadhiyey iyo hadimo horlee ha laga daayo," ayuu yidhi Guddoomiye-ku-xigeenka 1aad ee xisbiga mucaaradka ee KULMIYE. Muj. Muuse Biixi Cabdi waxa uu caddeeyey in xisbi ahaan hadii ay talada dalka ku guulaystaan aanay aqbalayn heshiisyada madaxweyne Rayaale mudadii dheeraadka ahayd ee uu xilka hayey galay hadii aanu golaha wakiiladu ansixinaanay, isaga oo xusay in hoggaamiyayaasha bulshadooda ixtiraamaya marka wakhtigu ka dhamaado aanay wax cusub curin Karin, heshiisyana geli Karin, balse ay yihiin oo qudha qaar xilka sii haya inta si sharci ah loo dooranayo cida beddelaysa. Guddoomiye-ku-xigeenka KULMIYE oo arrimahaa ka hadlaya waxa uu yidhi; "Geeska Afrika dab ayaa ka qarxayaa, maalin walba waxaynu aragnaa dagaallo iyo budhcad-badeed iyo sida adduunku u hayaano oo ah meel gubanaysa, Somaliland waxay ka mid tahay meelaha yaryar ee nabdoon, waxaanna nabaddaa keenay dadkooda oo isku dulqaatay, marka la isku dulqaadanayo qoys, saaxiibo, ganacsato, laba arday ha ahaato, nin baa wax ku qaldan oo qalooca ah ku dulqaadanay. Markaa Somaliland intii u soo dhibtooday ee u soo halgantay ee lexejeclada ka qabtay ayaa mar walba u dulqaadata, dulqaadka ay kuwaas ku dulqaadaan ayey nabaddu ku fadhidaa, markaa waxaynu maraynaa xukuumad shan sanno la doortay oo siddeed sanno sii cago-cagaynaysa, laba sanno iyo badh Madaxweynaha iyo Madaxweyne-ku-xigeenku waxay ku fadhiyaan muddo-dhaaf, codkii lagu doortayna kuma joogaan, madaxweynaha iyo madaxweyne-ku-xigeenka marka uu wakhtigoodu dhammaado awoodaha qaar ma laha sida caalamka awoodaha waaweyn, wadamada garaadka badan ee ixtiraamaya bulshadooda, hadii wakhtigiisu dhammaado ma badali karo wasiir, heshiis caalami ahna ma geli karo, wax cusubna ma curin karo, waayo waxa uu sugayaa oo uu sii haynayaa si la iskugu soo gaadho oo dowlada dambe ee timaadaa hawlaha halkaas uga sii wado. Waxa aanu lee nahay, intan uu wakhtigiisu dham maaday, (madaxweyne Rayaale), intaas oo heshiis ayuu galay maalin walba wasiir ayaa la magacaabaa, waxaasi waxay u eegtahay meel ka dhac oo maamulka dowladnimo ayay meel ka dhac ku tahay, mid kaliya ayaan ku soo koobayaa heshiis yada caalamiga ah ee la galay mudadaas, haddii aanay ansixin golayaasha sharciga ahi waxba kama jirayaan, dowlada soo socotana ma qabanayo sharcigaasi, waayo wakhtigiisa ayaa dhamaaday oo sharci kumuu fadhiyin, markaa waxa wanaagsan in la dhowro maamulka iyo sharciyada iyo siday dowladu u dhaqanto." Waxa kale oo uu ku dheeraaday Muj. Muuse Biixi Cabdi kaalinta uu ka qaado xisbigoodu waxqabadka bulshada iyo siday xukuumaddu marwalba ugu fashilanto bixinta qaadhaannadau ballanqaado bulshada. Guddoomiyaha Jaamacadda Burco Prof. Cabdiraxmaan Jaamac Ducaale oo ka guddoomay gaadhigaas, ayaa si weyn ugu mahadnaqay xisbiga KULMIYE oo uu sheegay inay ka qaybqaateen horumarka bulshada Somaliland, isla markaana ay gaadhigaasi dusha sare kaga xardhi doonaan, 'Waxa Gaadhigan Jaamacadda Burco ugu deeqay xisbiga KULMIYE.'

Jamhuuriya Online

Homes, Jobs and Peace - Manifesto for a Hung Parliament

Homes, Jobs and Peace - Manifesto for a Hung Parliament

Monday 26th April 2010

"It now looks inevitable that there will be a hung parliament after the general election. Respect will never support a Tory government whose policy of immediate and massive cuts combined with tax breaks for big business and the very wealthy would be a disaster for the economy and most peoples' lives. 


"With a real chance of winning three MPs; George Galloway, Poplar and Limehouse, Abjol Miah, Bethnal Green and Bow, and myself in Birmingham Hall Green; Respect will have three minimum conditions on which we would consider supporting a government:

• A massive council house building programme to address the housing scandal across the country
  
• The rapid withdrawal of British troops from all illegal and pointless wars
  
• The radical democratisation of our constitution with a fair proportional voting system, abolition of the appointed House of Lords and cleaning up parliament - no more second homes fiddles.
  

This manifesto outlines some of the other policies we will fight for in any negotiations."

Salma Yaqoob, Leader, Respect Party

Download the Manifesto

Xaflad Dhidibada Loogu Taagay Urur Samafal oo Loogu Magac-daray Marxuum Cali Maarshaal

Xaflad Dhidibada Loogu Taagay Urur Samafal oo Loogu Magac-daray Marxuum Cali Maarshaal

London: Xaflad Dhidibada Loogu Taagay Urur Samafal oo Loogu Magac-daray Marxuum Cali Maarshaal Jidka u dhexeeya Hargeysa iyo Berbera ee uu ka dhacay shilkii Cali Maarshaal ku geeriyooday oo ururka Somaliland Forum dib-u-dhis ku samayn doono "Markii Cali Maarshaal dhintay waxaan go'aansaday in aan siyaasadda …" Guddoomiye-xigeenka 2-aad ee KULMIYE London (Jam)- Xaflad ballaadhan oo dhidibada loogu taagay urur samafal ah oo loogu magac-daray Allaah ha u naxariistee marxuum Cali Xaaji Muxumed Guuleed (Maarshaal) oo dabayaaqadii sannadkii dhammaaday ku geeriyooday shil baabuur, ayaa Axaddii toddobaadkan lagu qabtay galbeedka magaalada London ee caasimadda dalka Ingiriiska. Kullankan oo ahaa mid si heer sare ah loo soo agaasimay, waxa ka qaybgalay dad fara badan oo reer Somaliland oo ka kale isugu jira aqoonyahano, siyaasiyiin, masuuliyiinta Jaalliyada, dhalliyaro iyo haween, kuwaasi oo isaga kala yimi magaalooyinka Bristol, Cardif, Leicter iyo Cardiff ee dalka Ingiriiska. Waxaana ugu horeyntiiba ereyo kooban oo soo dhawayn iyo mahadcelin isugu jira halkaasi ka soo jeediyay Maxamed Yoonis Cawaale. Intaa kadib waxa taariikh-nololeedkiisii marxuumka si qoto dheer uga hadlay Mr. Axmed Xasan Carwo oo sheegay in Cali Maarshaal ahaa geesi aan la gaban afkaarta uu aaminsan yahay oo aragti fog, isagoo tusaale u soo qaatay mar uu dib ugu soo laabtay waddanka sannadkii 1980-kii oo ay warraysatay idaacadda BBC-du isagoo Cabdilaahi Xaaji ku yidhi, "Haddii aan Afweyne laga qaban dalka iminka in aan Soomaali wax sheegtay dib loo arki doonin." Mr. Axmed waxa uu intaa ku daray in afkaartii ugu waaweynaa ee marxuumku aaminsanaa ay ka mid ahaayeen tayaynta maamulka iyo wanaajintiisa, xorriyadda saxaafadda iyo nidaam dheellitiran oo ku salaysan xisaabtan. Salaad Rooble oo ka mid ah ardaydii ay marxuum Cali Maarshaal dugsiga Sheekh wada dhigan jireen oo halkaa ka hadlay, ayaa sheegay in Cali Maarshaal wakhtigii ardaynimadaba uu muujiyay kartidiisa hoggaamineed iyo hufnaanta shaqo ee uu caanka ku ahaa, isagoo arrintaas sharraxaad ka bixinayeyna waxa uu yidhi; "Cali Allaah ha u naxariistee waxa u madax ka ahaa ururkii ardayda waxaanan xasuustaa xilligaasi mar uu gumeysigii Faransiiska ay dad reer Jabuuti ah ka soo qaxeen oo Cali soo jeediyay in la sameeyo mudahraad lagu taageerayo gobanima-doonka Jabuuti oo riwaayad aradaydu dhigto, lacagta ka soo baxdana lagu caawiyo dadkaasi." Sidoo kale waxa uu xusey inuu ahaa ruux shakhsiyad fiican oo naftiisa u hurey sidii uu dadkiisa iyo dalkiisaba wax ugu qaban lahaa." Aadan Warsame Siciid oo ka mid ah xubnihii UFFO (Hargeisa Group), ayaa isna ka qaybgalayaasha u soo jeediyay in loo duceeyay mujaahid Cali iyo iyo intii kale oo dalkan naftooda u hureyba, waxaanu tilmaamay in Cali ahaa ruux waxa uu dhaqaaqo ka midho dhaliya oo dedaal badan, dardar badanna galiyay siyaasadda Somaliland, kuna shahiiday isagoo hawshaasi qaran ku jira. Guddoomiye-xigeenka 2aad ee xisbiga KULMIYE Mr. Cabdiraxaan Cabdilqaadir Faarax oo dhaawac culus ka soo gaadhay shilkii baabuur ee Cali Maarshaal ku geeriyooday, ayaa si gaar ah farta ugu fiiqay in lagula soo dardaarmay in aan la qiiroon oo ay tahay maalin aynu aasaasayno urur samafal ah, waxaannu yidhi; "Cali waxaannu si fiican isku baranay xilligii doorashadii madaxtimada ee Somaliland, intii ka dambaysanyna niman isku xisbi ah ayaanu ahayn, waxa uu ahaa isaga iyo Dr. Siciid Axmed Xasan, raggii sababta u ahaa in sanaaduuqdii UDUB laga joojiyay wakhtigii doorashada, wax kalena muu samayn ee qayniinka haloo hoggaamsamo ayuun bay yidhaadeen." "Cali Marshal waxa uu Illaahay ku manaystay dhawr tayoo oo aan bani aadamka inta badan la isku raacin sida akhlaaqda, xishoodka, ixtiraamka, aqoonta, qadarinta, aqoonta, siyaasadda. Muu ahayn ruux isla weyn oo dadka ka u sarreeya iyo ka suuqa joogaba isku si ayuu ula hadli jiray, waliba wuxuu jeclaa dadka caadiga ah, ardayda iyo haweenka." Sidoo kale waxa uu sheegay in uu ahaa Cali nin deeqsi ah aaminsan in maalka Ilaahay dadka isugu soo dhiibo, isagoo tusaale u soo qaatay in maalin uu lacag siiyay, dabadeedna weydiiyay siduu ku ogaaday inuu lacag la'a yahay, dabadeedna u sheegay in aanu wax shaaha bixin dhawrkii casho ee dambeeyay. Mr. Cabdiraxmaan waxa uu xusey inuu ahaa aabbo wanaagsan oo naxariis badan qaraabada iyo dadka jilicsana kaalmayn jiray, waxaannu sheegay in Cali ahaa maskaxda ka dambaysay ee isku soo dubbariday barnaamijka siyaasadeed ee xisbiga KULMIYE, uuna ahaa nin qabyaalada neceb oo rumeysnaa in ay siyaasadu ku badinayso qabyaalad la'aan, sidaa darteedna uu ku kasbaday inuu noqdo qofka ugu taageerada badan xibiga dhexdiisa iyo waliba mid guud oo uu ka haystay shacbiga reer Somaliland meel kasta oo ay joogaanba, uuna noqon lahaa hoggaamiyaha xisbiga ee mustaqbalka. Gudoomiye-ku-xigeenku waxa uu ka warramay siday u taabatay geerida saaxiibkii Cali Maarshaal, taasi oo gayeynsiisay inuu go'aansado inuu siyaasadda ka fadhiisto, haseyeeshee ay go'aankiisa wax ka beddeleen guddoomiyaha KULMIYE Md. Axmed-Siilaanyo, marxuum Cali walaaladii (Xasan iyo Sahra) oo la soo hadlay, xaaskii uu ka tagay iyo inantiisa oo ku booqday cisbitaalkii uu ku jiray, waxaannu uu u soo jeediyay ka qaybgalayaashii shirka in ay taageeraan mashruucan kheyriga ah ee Cali Maarshaal Trust. Safiirka Jamhuuriyadda Ireland u fadhiya Somaliland Md. Cabdifataax Siciid Axmed oo kulankaas ka hadlay ayaa yidhi; "Mujaahid Cali wuxuu ahaa halyay geeridiisu argagixiso innagu wada noqotay oo dadka reer Somaliland oo dhan ayuu ahaa geesi ka baxay. Maanta afar shir oo kale ayaa jiray oo xataa kii UDUB waxaan ka doorbiday aasaaska ururka samafalka ah, waana arrin qaran fikirka siyaasiga ah waa lagula kale duwanaan karaa, laakiinse anigu waxaan ahayn safiir u dhexeeya saddexda xisbi qaran." Tifaftiraha Somali Eye Mr. Khadar Dirir ayaa isna waxa uu soo bandhigay filim dukumentari ah oo uu ka duubay Cali Marshal xilligii u noolaa, kuwaas oo dadka si aad ah u taabtay oo qiiro galiyay kana tarjumayay fikradihii marxuumku aaminsanaa. Xisbiga siyaasiga ee UCID oo uu hadlay Nuur X Xuseen Cumar Xaashi oo ka tirsan guddida fulinta, ayaa sheegay in Cali Maarshaal ummadda reer Somaliland oo dhan tabayso xisbi ahaana taageersan yihiin ururkan samafalka ah ee loogu magacdaray. Dr.Maxamed Cabdillaahi Cumar oo ah xoghayaha arrimaha dibadda ee xisbiga KULMIYE, ayaa waxa uu si cilmiyaysan uga waramay ahmiyada ay leeyihiin ururada samofalka ahi iyo faa'iidooyinka laga heli karo. Waxa uu xusey in ummadaha adduunku dadka Cali oo kale ah ku xasuustaan siyaabo kale duwan sida taalooyin iyo goobo loogu magic-daro ama ururro samafal. Waxa uu intaasi ku ladhay in Cali dalka iyo dadka reer Somaliland u ahaa hormood oo qaranku aanu wali ka soo kaban geeridiisii, isaga oo xoghayuhu caddeeyay in xisbi ahaan afkaartii Cali Maarshaal qayb weyn ka yihiin barnaamijka siyaasadeed ee KULMIYE daah furay toddobaadkan Intaa kadib waxa warbixint dheer oo hadlaysa hadafka iyo sida uu ururkan samofalka ahi u shaqayn doono ka soo jeedisay xaaskii Cali Maarshaal Marwo Yasmin Sekaali, waxayna sheegtay in ururkan fikradda ka danbaysay ahayd maalin iyada Cali oo waddada socda ciyaal shiideen gaadhigoodii, kadib markii ay sitaageen ee weydiiyeena sababta carruurtii u sheegeen inay dhagaxaanta ku wadeen ninka waalan ee gaadhigooda dhinaciisa ku dhuumanayana, sidaa awgeedna ay iyada iyo marxuumku isla garteen inay wax u qabtaan dadka maskaxda wax ka qaba ee ku nool Somaliland. Marwo Yaasmiin waxay intaasiu ku dartay in ururkani ka tarjumayo afkaartii uu Allaah ha u naxariistee Cali Maarshaal aaminsanaa oo uu wax weyna ka tari doono wacyigalinta dadka iyo ku baraarujinta shacbiga habka ugu haboon ee looga hortagi karo xannuunka waalidu inta aanu meel halis ah qofka la gaadhin iyo waliba siday lagama maarmaan u tahay in bulshadeenu wax ka badasho habka ay ula dhaqmaan bukaanka qaba xannuunka waalida. Waxa kaloo ay ka wrarantay baahiyaha caafimaad-darrada ah ee Somaliland ku haysta dadka xannuunka dhimirka qaba, taas oo ay sheegtay in Cali Maarshaal Trust wax weyn ka tari doonto haddii Allaah idmo. Weriye Khadar Xasan Cali Gaas, ayaa isna si kooban uga warramay ujeeddooyinka iyo waxyaabaha uu qaban doono ururka samafalka ee Cali Maarshaal Foundation oo ah urur kale oo ay si wadajir ah u aasaaseen carruurta uu ka tagay marxuumka iyo jaalliyadda reer Somaliland ee California ee dalka Maraykanka, kaasi oo siduu sheegay deeq waxbarasho u fidin doona ardayda rabta in ay dhigtaan Jaamacadaha Somaliland. Sidoo kalena qorshaha ugu jirto inuu daabaco buugaag heer jamacadeed ah oo dhinaca dhaqaalaha iyo miisaaniyadda ah. Khadar waxa kale oo uu carrabka ku dhuftay in Cali Marshaal uu ahaa xubin muhiima oo muddo badan ka tirsanaa ururka Somaliland Forum, isla markaana urur ahaan Somaliland Forum ay go'aansadeen in mashruuca ururka ee sannadkan loogu magac-daro marxuumka. Mashruucaas oo laga fullin doono waddada isku xidha Berbera iyo Hargeysa, waxaannu noqon doonaa buu yidhi, "ilaa dhawr iyo soddon calaamadood oo shub ah oo laga dhisi doono goobaha loo aqoonsaday in ay halis yihiin, kuwaas oo ay ku qornaan doonaan farriimo digniin ah oo dadka ku baraarujinaya meelaha halista badan ee jidkan." Shirkan oo uu guddoominayay Maxamed Yoonis, waxa kale oo ka hadlay dad aad u tiro badan oo ay ka mid ahaa Marwo Foosiya Yuusuf Xaaji Aadan, Jamaal Madar, Cali Aadan, Axmed Caddare, Marwo Luul Faarax (Somaliland Forum), Axmed Daahir Cilmi (Gudoomiyaha SSUK),Maxamuud Maxamed Xoore (Camuudo), Prof. Muumin, Xasan Cali Weyd (Bristol), Cali Xiddig (Leicester) iyo xubno kale. Kulankan oo aad inta badan ka dareemaysay dadku siday u tabeen ee uu ugu dheeraa marxuum Cali Maarshaal Allaah ha u naxariistee, ayaa lagu soo gebagabeeyay tabarucaadkii u horreeyay ee ururka dhidibada loogu taagi lahaa; haddaba haddii aad rabto in aad ka qaybqaadato waxaad kale xidhiidhi kartaa. wwwhttp://www.alimarshalltrust.org.

Jamhuuriya Online

KOMISHANKA DOORASHOOYINKA OO KU DHAWAAQAY TIRADA CODBIXIYAYAAL KA BADAN HAL MILYAN IN AY KA QAYB QAADANAYAAN DOORASHADA MADAXTOOYADA BISHA JUNE

KOMISHANKA DOORASHOOYINKA OO KU DHAWAAQAY TIRADA CODBIXIYAYAAL KA BADAN HAL MILYAN IN AY KA QAYB QAADANAYAAN DOORASHADA MADAXTOOYADA BISHA JUNE

Shir jaraai'd oo ay maanta qabteen Xubnaha Koomishanka Doorashooyinka Qaranka Jamhuuriyada Somaliland ayaa ka hadlay wixii ka soo baxay natiijada codbixiyayaasha ee  Diiwaangalintii dalka ka qabsoontay.

Afhayeenka komishanka Doorashooyinka Maxamed Xirsi Geele oo halkaa ka hadaly ayaa sheegayin ay  goosteen in Doorasho la galo horta, Su'aal baanu isweydiinay Liiska inoo soo baxay imika ee aynu hayno ma ku gali karnaa Doorasho, oo midaynu Ummadeena u sheegi karno oo aynu odhan karno liiskaasi waa liis hagaagsanoo waynu ku gali karnaa ma yahay waxaanu isla qaadanay khalad waa ku jiraa, khaladkana lama heli karo wax boqolkiiba boqol ah 100%  sax ah.

Markaanu isku celcelino tirada ay ahayd liisku oo inta badan dadku ay isweydiiyaan inkastoo tii kama danbaysta ah ahayn markaanu toddobaatan kun ka saaray ( 70,000), sideetana ay ku soo kordheen ( 80,000) tiradii halkii uun bay taagnaanaysaa laakiin macnaheedu maaha waxba lama qaban., oo waxa la qabtay boqol kun oo qof ( 100,000) oo kombuyuutarku ka saaray iyo toddobaatan ku oo qof ( 70,000) oo lagaga saaray gacanta iyo Isha.

waxaanu go'aansanay inaanaan dadka dib ugu celinin xaaladii uu soo maray September 2009 kii ee isku-dhaca keentay ee Liis Diiwaangalineed halagu galo iyo Diiwaangalin la'aan halagu galo la isku qabsaday ee aad ogaydeen ee dad ku baxeen ee dhiig ku daatay, Liis fiicanbaa inoo soo baxay oo boqolkiiba Sagaashan 90% aynu odhan karno sax buu yahay haduu khalad ku jiro ugu badnaan 10% baa ku jiraya inkastooy inta badana meelaha qaarkood ka yar yihiin.

Waxaynu ognahay markii anaga la'na magacaabay Komishan ahaan waxaanu ku nimi xaalad adkayd oo tafaasiisheeda aynaan ku noqon Karin Waxa jiray Heshiis Sadexda Xisbi Qaran ay wada galeen ooy Bulshada Caalamkuna qayb ka ahayd oo ahaa in Komishan cusub la sameeyo, in Doorashada soo socota lagu galo Diiwaangalin, in Serverkii xumaaday ee ciladu gashay loo soo kireeyo khubaro caalami ah oo baadha oo eegta oo sifaysa inta la sifayn karayo, kadib marka ay sifeeyaan wakhtiga ay dhameeyaana Komishanku ku go'aan qaato wakhtiga Doorashada iyo nidaamku dhacayaan.

Sifaynta markaan u soo noqdo waxaanu u qorshaynay afar marxaladood inuu maro, midi waxay ahayd mid Kombuyuutarka lagu sifaynayo oo elektaroonikali kombuyuutarku isagu qabto wixii ku celceliyay ama khalad ah, midna waxay ahayd in kombuyuutarka iyo isha aadamiga la isku daro oo lagu qabto wixii kombuyuutarku garan waayo, midna waxay ahayd in kaadhadh cusub la soo sameeyo oo deedna liiska inoo soo baxa ee intaynu sifayno loo soo bandhigo.

Komishanka Doorashooyinku waxa ay intaa ku dareem in Doorashada Madaxtooyadu dhacayso inta lagu guddo jiro bisha June  isla markaana ay maalmaha soo socda soo bandhigi doonaan Kaadhadhkii cusbaa ee loogu talogalay in loo qaybiyo dadka doorashada ka qayb qaadan doona.

Ummadda waxa aanu u sheegaynaa in hawshii servarku naga dhamaatay meel dambe oo lagaga noqdaana aanay hadhin, waxa keliya oo hadhay waa in la laalo  intaa la hayo ayaa doorashada lagu gelayaa, kaadhadhkii cusbaana usbuuca ugu horeeya bisha may ayaanu sugaynaa, usbuuca  labaadna waanu qaybinaynaa, markaa qof kasta waxa aanu ka codsanaynaa in uu kaadhkiisa qaato oo aanu cid kale u soo dirsan.

Winning elections without a majority

By Anthony Reuben  BBC News Liberal Democrat leader Nick Clegg has criticised the current electoral system because it is possible for a party to win the election while getting fewer votes than another party. How is it possible? Consider this simplified example of an election involving three parties competing in three seats, each of which has 30 voters. A simple first-past-the-post election   Seat 1 Seat 2 Seat 3 Total votes Seats won Party A 13 12 3 28 2 Party B 8 7 15 30 1 Party C 9 11 12 32 0 Party A has won the election despite receiving fewer votes than the other two parties. It is possible because there is no value placed on votes in seats that you do not win, so the 11 votes that party C received in seat 2 were effectively wasted. There is also no value placed on having a bigger majority, so gaining extra support in a constituency that you already hold does not help your party very much. This is a problem for parties that have some support in a lot of constituencies, but less concentrated support. In 2005, the Liberal Democrats received 22% of the votes but only won 62 seats, which was less than 10% of the seats in the House of Commons. In the 1951 general election, Winston Churchill's Conservatives won 26 more seats than Clement Attlee's Labour Party despite having received about 250,000 fewer votes. The electoral system means that opinion polls that aim to reflect percentage support throughout the country may be misleading, because what matters is not the total proportion of votes won but the amount of concentrated support that wins seats.

Wasiirka Maaliyadda oo Golaha Wakiilada la hortagay Mii...

Hargeysa, (NNN) - Wasiirka Wasaaradda Maaliyadda Somaliland Mudane Xuseen Cali Ducaale (Cawil) ayaa maanta fadhigii Golaha Wakiiladda ka hor akhriyay Miissaniyada sannadkan 2010 ka oo dhan Saddex boqol iyo Saddex iyo Lixdan Bilyan Shilinka Somaliland ah  363 Bilyan (363 kun oo Milyan SL SH) taasoo ah Odoraska Miisaaniyadeed oo ay ku jiraan laba Wakaaladood ee Korontada iyo Biyaha oo Madaxtooyada hoos taga oo aan awal hore ku jiri jirin.

Wasiirka Wasaaradda Maaliyada oo mudanayaasha sharaxaad ka siiyay Miisaaniyada Dalka ayaa sheegay Miisaaniyadan inay culayska saareen Lacagtii Doorashada Madaxtooyada iyo ta Golaha Wakiiladda iyo Dhismaha Ciidamada waxaanu xusay korodh ka badan kii sanadkii hore inuu ku jiro taasoo uu xusay inay tahay Dakhli iyo Kharash, waxaanu xusay Dakhligaasi inuu ka soo baxay dhoofkii Xoolaha iyadoo kharashaad badana ka soo kordheen dhinaca Doorashooyinka iyo qiimaha alaabaha ay Dawladdu iibsato oo kordhay

Xuseen Cali Ducaale isagoo sharaxaad ka bixinaya meelaha uu dakhliga odoroska Miisaaniyadu ka soo baxayo sheegay inay filayaan inay ka soo baxdo:-

• Dawladda dhexe ( 310 Bilyan SL SH)

• Dekedda Berbera (820 Bilyan SL SH )

•Wakaaladda Biyaha (17 Bilyan SL SH)

• Wakaaladda Korontada ( 7 Bilyan SL SH)

Sidoo kale waxa uu wasiirku xusay iyagoo ka shidaal qaadanaya qodobka Dastuurka ee Miisaaniyada ee 34aad faqradiisa 3aad oo ah habsami u ururinta Cashuuraha Dalka iyagoo aan waxba ku kordhin Cashuuraha inay filayaan inay ka soo baxaan illahan Dakhli lacagayow kala ah :-

• Kastamada ( 242 bilyan SL SH oo u dhiganta 78 %)

• Cashuuraha Barriga (24 Bilyan SL SH oo u dhiganta 8.05 %

• Wasaarada Boosaha iyo Isgaadhsiinta (372 milyan SL SH oo u dhiganta 0.12 %)

• Wasaaradda Horumarinta reer miyiga (224 Milyan SL SH oo u dhiganta 0.07 %)

• Maxkamadaha (240 milyan SL SH oo u dhiganta 0.08 %)

• Wasaaradda Macdanta iyo Biyaha (37 milyan SL SH oo u dhiganta 0.01 %)

• Wasaaradda Qorshaynta Qaranka (125 Milyan SL SH oo u dhiganta 0.04 %)

• Dekedda Berbera (2 Bilyan SL SH oo u dhiganta 0.64 %)

• Deeqaha D/hoose (5 Bilyan SL SH oo u dhiganta 1.615 )

• Deeqaha iyo Daymaha (2 Bilyan SL SH 8.38 %)

• Wasaaradda Warfaafinta (18 Milyan SL SH oo u dhiganta 0.01 %)

• Wasaaradda Ganacsiga (2 Bilyan SL SH oo u dhiganta 0.96 %)

• Wasaaradda Duulista hawada iyo gaadiidka cirka ( 3 Bilyan SL SH Una dhiganta 1.04 %)

• Laanta Socdaalka (2 Bilyan SL SH 0.94 %)

Kuwaasoo isku noqonaya 310 Bilyan SL SH, waxaanu xusay dakhligaasi kharash ahaan inuu u baxo sidan;-

• Mushaharooyin (139 Bilyan SL SH oo u dhiganta 44.84 %)

• Raashin (38 Bilyan SL SH oo u dhiganta 12 %)

• Wakiiladda Somaliland ee dibadaha (2 Bilyan SL SH oo u dhiganta 0.91 %)

• Isgaadhsiinta (2 Bilyan SL SH oo u dhiganta 0.74 %)

• Shidaalka (18 Bilyan SL SH oo u dhiganta 5.94 %)

• Stationary (2 Bilyan SL SH oo u dhiganta 0.80 %)

• ———- (9 Bilyan SL SH oo u dhiganta 2.99 %)

• Adeegyada (97 Bilyan SL SH oo u dhiganta 31.53 %)

Kuwaas oo dhammaantood isku noqonaya 310 Bilyan SL SH

Wasiirka wasaaradda Maaliyadu waxa uu ssheegay kharashaadkaasi inay ku baxaan Adeegyada Bulshada gaar ahaan Nabadgelyada, Maamulka iyo Siyaasadda iyo Mahaariicda Guud, waxaanu mudanayaasha ka codasaday inay Miisaaniyada sida ugu dhakhsaha badan u ansixiyaan isagoo xusay inay dadaal muujiyeen sanadkan maadaama Caalamka oo dhami ka qaylinayo Dhaqaale burbur

Isagoo intaa ku daray inay sameeyeen kharash dhimis taasoo uu tusaale u soo qaatay shidaalka oo ahaa waxa ugu dhibaatada badan leh si ay u yareeyaan inay u xaraasheen baabuurtii Land-crieserada ahaa ee ay xukuumadu wadan jirtay, kuna bedeleen kuwo yaryar

Waxyaabaha kale ee uu wasiirku ka hadlay ayaa ahaa inay samaynayaan daraasad ku saabsan qaabka dakhli ururinta oo uu sheegay labaatankii sano ee ay Somaliland jirtay inaan wali la samayn daraasad mug leh oo qiimaysa meelaha ay dhibaatadu ka jirto isagoo sheegay in loo baahan yahay in wax la saaro meelo badan oo ay Cashuuro ka baaqsadaan, isla markaan laga dhimo meelo badan oo ay saaran tahay Cashuur badani

Wasiirka Maaliyadu waxa uu ku faanay mudadii uu xilka hayay inuu sameeyay dadaal badan oo ah dhinaca dakhli ururinta waxaanu sheegay markii uu xilka qabtay dakhliga Dalku inuu ahaa Laba boqol iyo shan iyo Lixdan bilyan imikana uu gaadhsiiyay Saddex boqol iyo saddex iyo Lixdan Bilyan

Ugu danbayntii waxa uu Cawil ka codsaday Xildhibaanada inay Xukuumadda ugu Duceeyaan inay Guulaystaan, isagoo isna ugu duceeyay inay Guulaystaan maadaama ay Miisaaniyada ugu jirto Doorashadoodii iyo tii Madaxtooyaduba

Khudbada Wasiirka kadib waxa uu Guddoomiyaha Golaha Wakiiladdu ku wargaliyay mudanayaasha inay toddobaad soo akhristaan Miisaaniyada si wasiirkana Su'aalo looga weydiiyo loona Ansixiyo balse intii uu wasiirku waday hadalkiisa waxa ay qaar xildhibaanada ka mid ahi soo jeedinayeen in loo sii daayo maadaama aanay jirin awood wax ka qaabanaysa Wasiiradda Dawlada oo marka uu Goluhu u yeedho aanay u imanayn balse Guddoomiyaha ayaa xildhibaanada ku qanciyay inay sharci tahay in wasiiradu Golaha hor yimaadaan waxaanu xusay inay iman doonaan.

 Nasiib News Network 

TACKLING SEXUAL VIOLENCE MUST INCLUDE PREVENTION AND ENDING IMPUNITY – UN OFFICIAL

TACKLING SEXUAL VIOLENCE MUST INCLUDE PREVENTION AND ENDING IMPUNITY – UN OFFICIAL

Fresh from her visit to the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), which she described as the "rape capital of the world," a senior United Nations official today urged the Security Council to make the prevention of sexual violence a top priority, and stressed the need to end impunity for the scourge.

"Women have no rights, if those who violate their rights go unpunished," Margot Wallström, the Secretary-General's Special Representative on Sexual Violence in Conflict, told the 15-member body.

Ending impunity for sexual violence is a critical part of the Council's broader mandate to shepherd situations "from might to right, from rule of war to rule of law, from bullets to ballots," she noted.

"If women continue to suffer sexual violence, it is not because the law is inadequate to protect them, but because it is inadequately enforced."

Ms. Wallström said she is haunted by what she heard in the DRC – that women are still not safe, under their own roofs, in their own beds, when night falls. "Our aim must be to uphold international law, so that women – even in the war-torn corners of the world – can sleep under the cover of justice," she stated.

According to the UN Population Fund (<"http://www.unfpa.org/public/">UNFPA), more than 8,000 women were raped in the DRC during fighting between warring factions last year. The UN mission there, known as MONUC, has been trying to combat the problem by developing a greater presence on the ground, escorting women going to market or fetching firewood or water, developing early warning systems, and working with local mayors.

At the same time, sexual violence remains a dominant, even escalating, feature of the conflict in DRC, which continues to be "the rape capital of the world," said Ms. Wallström, noting that the core of the problem is impunity, which is the rule rather than the exception.

She also warned that politically-motivated rape is a disturbing trend, witnessed in the wake of Kenya's contested elections, and more recently, in broad daylight on the streets of Guinea. Such crimes, she said, present a security crisis that demands a security response.

Ending impunity is one of the five priorities Ms. Wallström, who was appointed in February, has set for herself, in addition to empowering women, mobilizing political leadership, increasing recognition of rape as a tactic and consequence of conflict, and ensuring a more coherent response from the UN system.

Also briefing the Council, Rachel Mayanja, the UN Special Adviser on Gender Issues and Advancement of Women, stressed the Secretary-General's commitment to tackling violence against women.

"Through the appointment of his Special Representative on Sexual Violence in Armed Conflict, he has demonstrated his determination to address the persistent scourge of violence against women, including sexual violence, to lead by example and to strive to empower women and girls to play a meaningful role in peace and security, including in situations or armed conflict."

She noted that the Mr. Ban himself has witnessed and been deeply troubled by the effects of violence, abuse and blatant violations of the rights of women and girls in conflict-affected countries, and he remains "unflinchingly" committed to this cause.

In his latest report on women, peace and security, which Ms. Mayanja presented to the Council, the Secretary-General lamented the fact that the implementation of a call by the UN a decade ago to have women play a more prominent role in conflict prevention and resolution remains slow.

He outlines measures intended to track the implementation of the Council's resolution 1325 of 2000, including a set of 26 indicators pertaining to prevention, participation, protection, and relief and recovery.

The indicators, said Ms. Mayanja, range from those that aim to assess the situation of women and girls, to those that assess the degree to which gender considerations are mainstreamed in peace processes, to those that seek to determine resource availability and institutional capacity for addressing peace and security issues.

In a presidential statement adopted at the end of the meeting, the Council took note of the indicators put forth in the report, adding that they will need "technical and conceptual development" before they can become operational. It also expressed its intention to take action on the indicators on the occasion of the tenth anniversary of resolution 1325, which will be marked in October.