Wednesday, June 27, 2012

Somali political analysts welcome national unity talks

Somali political analysts welcome national unity talks

By Mahmoud Mohamed in Mogadishu

Political analysts welcomed last week's first formal direct talks between the Somali Transitional Federal Government (TFG) and Somaliland aimed at reaching national consensus and unity.

Somaliland President Ahmed Mohamed Silanyo, pictured here after he was elected in 2010, is the first leader of Somaliland to enter direct talks with the Somali Transitional Federal Government. [Abdurashid Abdulle/AFP]

"These negotiations between the Somali transitional government and Somaliland represent a political accomplishment for both sides," said Mohammed Hussein, a political analyst and political science professor. "The transitional government, led by Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed, is the first Somali government that has initiated negotiations with Somaliland, while Ahmed Mohamed Silanyo's government was the first government that agreed to enter into direct negotiations with Somalia."

Hussein told Sabahi that the talks provide a "golden opportunity for both sides". He said the two sides should continue to meet without any preconditions to avoid any obstacles that may hinder progress "until a final agreement is reached to resolve outstanding issues between both sides".

"Without talks we cannot resolve the current conflicts between both sides," Hussein said. "Unity and independence efforts should pass through the channels of direct negotiations between both sides."

At issue is the Somali Transitional Federal Government's position that Somaliland is an integral part of a united Somalia -- albeit one that would administer its own affairs under the federal system. The Somaliland side argues that it has been successfully administering its own affairs for two decades and hopes to continue to do so as an independent state.

The Chevening House declaration

After the meeting, which concluded June 21st at Chevening House, an official residence of the Foreign Secretary of the United Kingdom, the two sides agreed on the continuation of talks and to hold another official meeting between Ahmed and Silanyo as soon as possible.

Both sides also agreed to work together when it comes to fighting piracy, illegal hunting, and the disposal of hazardous waste and materials in regional waters. In addition, they agreed to co-operate in the fight against terrorism, extremism and other serious crimes.

They also reached an agreement to share experience on working more effectively with the international community on the use of development and humanitarian assistance and called for the international community to increase that assistance.

Both sides asked that the international community continue to facilitate the TFG-Somaliland dialogue, including hosting these talks and providing experts on legal, economic and security matters. They also pledged to end the transitional period in Somalia.

British Foreign Sectary William Hague welcomed the agreement.

"I congratulate the Somali Transitional Federal Government and Somaliland representatives on agreeing the Chevening House Declaration yesterday," Hague said. "We hope this will be a landmark in the process of clarifying their future relations and achieving peace, security and stability in the region. I congratulate both sides on their willingness to continue the talks and to co-operate on areas of common interest."

A new beginning for Somalia

Abdifatah Mohamud, a Mogadishu-based political analyst, said the agreement represents the beginning of a long journey. "Not all contentious issues can be resolved overnight, which is why these talks are just the beginning," he said.

"Without the flexibility demonstrated by both sides, a preliminary agreement that could form the basis for a future relationship between both sides could not have been reached," Mohamud told Sabahi.

He said both sides agreed to push forward with the talks in accordance with what was announced during the London and Istanbul conferences while also agreeing to co-operate on issues of mutual interest. "These are necessary steps for the future continuation of negotiations," Mohamud said.

Abdirahman Wardhere, an international law professor at Mogadishu University, said the preparatory negotiations between the Somali transitional government and Somaliland were successful in establishing a general framework upon which future negotiations will take place.

"The London meeting was constructive and succeeded in creating an atmosphere of confidence between both parties, as well as an operating framework for future talks regarding issues that are of interest to both sides," Wardhere told Sabahi.

"Despite the importance of this meeting, which has brought both parties together for the first time since Somaliland announced its separation in 1991, negotiation committees did not address the core issues and the persistent differences between both sides on such matters as separation and national unity," he said.

Wardhere said launching direct negotiations between the TFG and Somaliland heralds a new beginning for both sides.

"We are now at the very beginning of negotiations," he said. "This is a new start to break the ice, and this step will lead to genuine negotiations that will address all issues related to the final solution, such as unity or separation."

Monday, June 25, 2012

Somaliland justice falters on the case of Boqor Osman Buurmadow

Somaliland justice falters on the case of Boqor Osman Buurmadow
 Bashir Goth   

Boqor Osman Aw Mahmoud, Buurmadow, is languishing in jail for the fourth month in a case that exposed the faltering and inept system of Somaliland justice.

In four months, the government prosecutor could not build a plausible case against Boqor Osman and couldn't bring credible people other than government officials and arm-twisted reporters to take the witness stand.

In the first hearing of the case held on 24th April 2012, the court accepted the defense lawyers' criticism of the legal conformity of the charge sheet and the judge had requested the prosecution to replace the charge sheet and submit one that is consistent with the law.

When the prosecution failed to replace the charge sheet and submitted the same charge with government officials including the President's spokesman as witnesses at the second hearing on 3rd May 2012, the defense lawyers requested the court to dismiss the case. However, to the surprise of the defense team and other audience, the court ordered the case to continue. It was obvious that the court was put under immense pressure to continue the case and was particularly intimidated by the presence of the Attorney General at the hearing.

Realizing that the court had succumbed to pressure, the defense lawyers decided to withdraw from the case after consulting with their client. The defense team refused to be a decoy for the incarceration of their client in a kangaroo court. They assumed that their client was already indicted outside the court when the Minister of Presidency had accused Boqor Osman of committing crimes against the state. This is a government minister publicly announcing a guilty verdict against an accused person on the national TV even before the court made any decision on the legal conformity of the case charge sheet.

In another deliberate obstruction of justice, the Minister of Justice issued a rapidly cooked up circular to the court and Attorney General in which he declared that members of the legislative houses and other government officials were not allowed to practice law. This was an apparent measure to stop one of the leading defense team of Boqor Osman who was also a member of parliament from extending legal assistance to his client. The Minister's circular however had forgotten to mention that the Attorney General himself was engaged in cases.

It appears now that the stage is set for the court to announce a guilty verdict against Boqor Osman for being vocal against the government, for exercising his constitutional right to express his opinion and for being the only dissident voice in a country that has become scarily bereft of any opposition.

 The case of Boqor Osman Buurmadow is one of many cases of justice gone astray in Somaliland but Buurmadow's case stands out as it is a test for the country's democracy and the ability of Somaliland citizens to exercise their right to free speech.

Constitutional Democracy between Ahmed Silanyo and Jacob Zuma

It may be appropriate here to compare President Ahmed Silanyo's high handedness and making mockery of democracy to President Jacob Zuma of South Africa who despite being the victim of a burlesque painting showing him with his genitals hanging out has pursued a legal route to get his constitutional right. Even when the painting which was displayed in a public gallery was defaced by angry individuals, the perpetrators were arrested for vandalizing the gallery and for violating the freedom ofexpression. Here the law protects the artistic creativity and freedom of expression instead of glorifying the president and putting him above the law.

The case ended amicably when President Jacob Zuma agreed towithdraw the legal challenge after Goodman Gallery took down the controversial portrait but only after it was sold to a German dealer and after it had been viewed and still can be by millions of people on the internet.

With a moment of reflection, one cannot but bewilder at the difference between Jacob Zuma, a man with no formal education whose world was shaped by the struggle against the inhumane apartheid system in South Africa , upholding the constitutional right of his citizens and respecting their freedom of speech even at the cost of his personal reputation, and Ahmed Silanyo who earned a Master's Degree in Economics from theUniversity of Manchester in UK, one of the greatest western democracies, trampling on his citizens rights and behaving like a tin pot dictator.

Bashir Goth  


The Office of Somaliland Presidential Advisor on:
 Economy, Commerce, and Investments.
Mr. Ahmed Hassan Arwo

002522 409 64 21


Waa 26kii Juun, waa ayaantii qarannnimada Soomaliland, waa hooyadii taariikhda, waa hooyadii halganka SNM. Waa dharaartii aynu noqonay qaran jira, madax banaan oo dunida laga aqoonsaday. Maalin farxad iyo reynreyn, maalin guul iyo damaashaad, maalin himmilo wacan iyo mustaqbal nuuraaya. Waa maalin siyaasiintii xiligaasi ku hamiyeen mideynta shanta Soomali. Dal weyn iyo dad badan oo isu hiloobay.

Waxa hammigaas dhooqeeyey ciddii dhinaca koonfur talada u qabatay ee ilowday israacu inuu ahaa dhabada loo maraayo mideynta shanta Soomaliyeed. Waxay ka dhigteen inay xukunka ku qadhaabtaan kana dhigaan dukaan ay leeyihiin iyo hanti u gaar ah. Isla 1961 kiiba reer Soomaliland wey ka biyo diideen sida wax u socdaan. Waxa fashilmay inqilaab lagu soo celinaayey gooni-isu-taaga Soomaliland. Waxa iyana cod weyn lagu diiday dastuurkii loo codeeyey 1961 dhinaca Soomaliland. Waxa cadaalad daradii iyo maamul xumadii keentay ina ay baabaday himiladii seddexda maqan lagu doonaayey. Waxay seddexdu arkeen maamulka labadii israacay sida loo xumeeyey, waxayna noqdeen qaar ka fogaada, kana jeesta baaqii beenta ahaa ee Xamar ka soo birqamaayey.
Waxa xigtay tu ka daran oo askarti xukunkii la wareegtay deedna xumaniba xumaan sii dhasho. Waxa bilaabmay diidmadii cadaalad darada, oo noqotay xasuuq, dil, dhac, burburin, duqayn magaalo cir iyo dhulba iyo qixii magaalooyinka looga yaacay ayda iyo bisaaska. Waxa xoogaystay halkankii hubaysanaa ee SNM guushuna waxay ku biyo shubatay 18 May 1991 iyo la soo noqooshadii xorriyadda iyo madaxbanaanida.
Intaas oo dhammi waxay ka dhasheen oo hooyo u aha 26ka Juun 1960 ee aynu hogaanka dalkeena gacanta ku qabanay, kana saarnay gumeysigii Ingiriiska ee qarni ku dhowaadka dalkeena haystay wax qabadna ka madhnaa. Waa maalin xusuus wacan, waa maalin qaranku midnimo ku ciido, waa maalintii Soomaaliland noqotay dal xor ah oo adduun weynaha ka m id ah, helayna aqoonsi caalami ah.
Waxaan halkan hanbalyo iyo bogaadin u dirayaa bulshaweynta Soomaliland, qurbajoog iyo dal-joogba, xukuumadda baar ilaa sal, Golayaasha Sharcidejinta, Ciidamada, Shaqaalaha, Ganacsatada, muruqmaalka, xoola dhaqatada iyo beeraleyda, Soomaliland oo dhan rag iyo dumar, wiil iyo waayeel, waxaanan leeyahay xusa 26ka Juun oo qadariya maalinta xorriyadda. Ku waara nabad, naruuro, bashbash iyo barwaaqo.
Guul iyo horumar.

Axmed Xasan Carwo
La-taliyaha Madaxweynaha ee Dhaqaalaha, Ganacsiga iyo Maalgashiga.
Temp. Contact: Riyadh, Saudi Arabia ( 054 054 2267)

Saturday, June 23, 2012

Somaliland: Gaws-weyne Village Killings Castigated

Somaliland: Gaws-weyne Village Killings Castigated
 Yusuf M Hasan

HUDUN (Somalilandsun) – Killings and injuries visited on some residents of Gaws-weyne village have been termed as barbaric.

Three residents lost their lives and four others sustained serious injuries in Gaws-weyne four days ago after unknown gunmen stormed the village which borders the three regions of Sool, Sarar and Sanaag.

According to reports from area residents the unknown gunmen who were driving four wheel drive vehicles stormed the village and started shooting indiscriminately thus the death of three people and injuries to four others.

During a meeting held by Hudun, traditional leaders from the area said that the perpetrators of the heinous crime will be brought to book through concerted efforts of residents from the three eastern regions of Somaliland.

Sheikh Hasan Elmi Saeed who spoke on behalf of the elders said that the action that was barbaric and against Islamic tenets should not go unpunished. The sheikh read a statement of the elders that read,

"We the traditional leaders of Sool region do hereby condemn the heinous crime that was perpetrated against the people of Gaws-weyne village, resulting in three deaths and four grievous injuries. On behalf of the people of Hudun We categorically state that we were neither involved nor aware of plans for the crime thus our promise to ensure that the gunmen are brought to book"

In conclusion the elders condoled families of the departed while praying to Allah to provide the dead with eternal bliss. They also wished the injured quick recovery that they promised to assist until they regain full recovery.

On the other hand the government of Somaliland has castigated the Gaws-weyne killers whom it linked with the Khatuumo secessionists.

This was said by Interior Minister Hon Mohamed Nuur Arale "Duur" during a briefing in his offices in Hargeisa where he also extended President Silanyo's and the government condolences to families of the three deceased residents of Gaws-weyne.

The interior who termed the perpetrators of such a heinous crime as barbaric and uncouth, thanked the elders of the area for their support while promising to see that no stone is left unturned in the search for the killers

Hon Duur asked area residents to ensure that they are not pulled into the dirty schemes of the Khatuumoist who on having failed to gain ground in their statehood intents were now turning their guns to law abiding citizens whom they accuse of not supporting them.

According to the minister of defence Hon Ahmed Adami, residents of the country's eastern regions should be on the alert as former militias aligned to the Khatuumo secessionists are on the rampage following their rout from various bases by the national army.

Somaliland: We are building a country that has many enemies

Somaliland: We are building a country that has many enemies

By: Omer Hussein Dualeh

QATAR (Somalilandsun) - A MESSAGE TO THOSE WHO DO NOT AGREE WITH ME: We are building a country that has many enemies, and what we need is cohesion and not otherwise.

Good day my fellow citizens. I would like to highlight the importance of the word patriot & when your country needs everything you can offer.

I wonder and noticed, since the current ruling party came to power and even during the campaign, before the election, two websites have engaged unethical propaganda and hate which we people of Somaliland, have not seen in recent history of our country.

Well, the reason, is by in-large unknown, as far as I know, and needs to be addressed wisely. We don't need to gag the press, but everything has a limit, and in this case, the people of this country has to confront the menace of these two websites. Internationally, the real journalist undertake investigative journalism and sometime expose a serious issues, which has national dimensions, and I support that, but to wake up in the morning to just look who I should demonize today, and write untrue and killing speculation about, is something humanly bad and should be punished those who engage this kind of un-journalistic publications.

Why these two website are doing this in the first place and what is the reason behind the digging of these dirt, un-patriotic, and naked of real truth articles, are published continuously, against our foreign minister, the first lady, Hersi and even the President? In the world we live in, this kind of killing phenomena is not allowed, but we the people of Somaliland are mixing democracy with bias information that these people entertain us.

In his last posting, the editor of Halbeegnews, published a document that he said, he is received from an employee of the Somaliland National Bank implicating the current foreign minister []. If these documents are true and genuine, they should have landed in the hands of the National Prosecutor's office, who is responsible to bring case against the perpetrator, but it's unwise and danger to put a website that the enemy of Somaliland, and the international community reads. In this case, the website has condemned the minister before a court of law gives his verdict. This is a crime in pig way, but it seems the so-called editor is ignorant.

You cannot simply satisfy your ego and write whatever you want to write, while ignoring that you will be accountable to this information that you are divulging with no prove whatsoever. This action says to me that the action of the editor is driven by animosity, that majority of our people do not know or understand why. If the current government tolerates the disclosures of such magnitude, then there is something wrong somewhere! otherwise there must an action to check and prosecute those responsible in either side.

I personally do not know the two editors of this website, and I have nothing against them, but do not agree the way they behave when it comes to Somaliland. A patriot in the real sense, should differentiate between writing true stories and witch-hunt of a certain person or persons continuously.

A MESSAGE TO THOSE WHO DO NOT AGREE WITH ME: We are building a country that has many enemies, and what we need is cohesion and not otherwise.


Omer Hussein Dualeh


The Office of Somaliland Presidential Advisor on:
 Economy, Commerce, and Investments.
Mr. Ahmed Hassan Arwo

002522 409 64 21


Xafiiska La-taliayaha Madaxweynaha ee Dhaqaalaha, Ganacsiga iyo Maalgashiga Mudane Axmed Xasan Carwo waxuu u soo bandhigayaa dhalinta ardayda jaamacadaha dalka tartan qoraal oo ah:
Iyadoo ay bil ka hadhay muddadii sanad guurada labaad ee xukuumadda Madaxweyne Axmed Siilaanyo dalka ka talinaysay, waxa habboon inaynu helno qoraalo madax banaan oo qiimeyn cilmiyeysan ku sameeya waxtarkii iyo guushii ay ka gaadhay horumarinta dalka debed iyo gudaba iyo meelaha ay ka jirto dabacsanaantu.

Waxa laga doonayaa tartamayaasha sidan:

1.      Qoraal qiimeyn ah guusha ay xukuumaddu gaadhay, taas oo ay rayi madaxbanaan iyo aragtida dadweynaha ku saleeyaan.
2.      Qayb qoraalka ka mid ah oo ay ku tilmaamaan meelaha dhaliishu ka jirto, iyagoo dhinac dhigaaya sida taas wax looga qaban karo.
3.      Talooyin iyo tilmaamo hore leh iyo meelaha ugu haboon ee ay tahay in wax laga qabto siiba horumarinta bulsho tacliin, siyaasad, dhaqaale, shaqo abuur, ganacsi iyo cadaalad ahaanba seddexda sano ee muddadii xukuumaddan uga hadhsan .
4.      Qoraalku waa inaanu ka yaraan 5.000 kana badnaan 10.000 (Erey)
5.      Qoraalka waa in lagu soo gudbiyaa email ahaan ugu dambayn 10 July 2012
1.      Waa inuu ardaygu soo qoraa magaciisa oo seddexan, madada, fasalka iyo jaamacadda uu dhigto.

Waxa loo qaban doonaa dhammaan tartamayaasha xaflad lagu abaalmariyo oo la gudoonsiiyo shahaadad ka soo qaybgalka ah iyo shanta ugu wacan  oo la siiyo shahaadad sharaf iyo baadifad qiimo leh. Sidoo kale qoraalada la xulo waxaa lagu soo daabici doonaa wargeyska DAWAN.

Ku soo haagji qoraalkaakag

Axmed Xasan Carwo

La-taliayaha Madaxweynha ee Dhaqaalaha, Ganacsiga,iyo  Maalgashiga

Friday, June 22, 2012

First Direct Somalia-Somaliland Talks End in London

First Direct Somalia-Somaliland Talks End in London

Two days of the first-ever formal talks between Somalia and the breakaway region of Somaliland ended near London Thursday.

Both sides agreed that the talks should continue.

Somali Interior Minister Abdisamad Moalim Mohamud told VOA that both sides agreed to cooperate in the fight against terrorism, piracy, illegal fishing, and dumping toxic wastes. He said they also agreed to avoid anything that will undermine the talks.

In his comments to VOA, Somaliland Foreign Minister Mohamed Abdillahi Omar said the two days of meetings were constructive. He said they created the framework for future talks on issues that matter to both sides.

Britain and the European Union organized the meetings as part of their efforts to help Somalia fight terrorism. Somalia is struggling to form a stable government while it fights off efforts from al-Shabab militants to turn Somalia into a conservative Islamic state.

Somaliland broke away from Somalia when the last firm Somali government fell in 1991. But no country or world body recognizes an independent Somaliland.

Thursday, June 21, 2012

Somaliland: Respecting Somaliland's Democratic Choices

Somaliland: Respecting Somaliland's Democratic Choices

 by Yusuf Dirir Ali,MD

The people and the democratically elected government of Somaliland Republic are grateful to the International community and especially to the United Kingdom for hosting and spearheading the Somaliland-Somalia dialogue on their future relations. Somaliland values the great contributions being made by the Norwegian government to this dialogue. We hope this London discussion will pave the way for a permanent peace and cooperation between the two neighborly nations and to the greater Horn of Africa region.

Somalia's insistence in claiming that Somaliland is a part and a parcel of its territory is solely based on covet and on nothing else. There were no legal bases of a union between Somaliland and Somalia to start with, because there was no act of union signed between the two entities. The people of Somaliland have overwhelmingly voted against the 1962 constitution, which created the annexation of Somaliland through an illegal Somalia's presidential decree.

On the other hand, Somaliland does not claim a Somalia territory since the borders of the two countries are based on the well demarcated Anglo-Italian borders of the colonial era. Both the African Union and its predecessor, the Organisation of African Union strongly insist in their charters that the colonial borders of African countries should not be altered. Somaliland's territorial borders are fully in line with the OAU and the African Union charters.

Somaliland was treated as a Somalia colony for thirty years and the people of Somaliland went through all forms of inhumane treatment under the Successive Somalia lead governments. Eventually, the Somaliland cities were levelled to the ground by heavy artillery and aerial bombardments by the Somalia lead dictatorial regime. Somaliland citizens were raped and massacred by the tens of thousands. Millions of Somaliland citizens were forced to leave their country and seek refuge in all continents.

The people of Somaliland have annulled the union with Somalia on national referendum and fully recuperated their sovereignty democratically and peacefully. 97% of Somalilanders voted for the recuperation of their sovereignty in that national referendum.

Somaliland holds the flood- gates of international terrorism, sea piracy and human-trafficking originating from Somalia. A Somaliland-Somalia union will undermine Somaliland's efforts in fighting terrorism and will escalate international violence and insecurities.

Based on all those facts, the Somaliland people and their democratically elected government see no point in discussing a union with the anarchic Somalia and its unelected TFG government. Only a two state solution will benefit both countries and will contribute to the stability of the Horn of Africa region.

However, Somalia's unelected TFG President and prime minister have openly and shamefully stated that they will infinitely heave the Somaliland-Somalia dialogue. They want this dialogue to be akin to the Somalia's endless internationally mediated and never ending conferences. They want this dialogue to be held in as many venues as possible, because they aim to extort moneys from the international community through endlessly dragging this dialogue. Similarly, since 1991 the successive Somalia governments have extorted billions of Dollars from the international community and produced more bloodshed and anarchy. They all failed to make tangible effort to form a functional government in their own country.

The International community must respect the self-determination and democratic choices of the Somaliland citizens. The anarchic Somalia must not be allowed to take Somaliland as a hostage. The people of Somaliland have accomplished a lot in the last two decades and their accomplishment should not be allowed to go in vain.

By Yusuf Dirir Ali,MD

Monday, June 18, 2012

Madaxweyne Siilaanyo oo xilal cusub magacaabay xilka qaadisna sameeyay

Madaxweyne Siilaanyo oo xilal cusub magacaabay xilka qaadisna sameeyay

Hargysa,-Madaxweyne Siilaanyo ayaa magacaabay Agaasimayal guud oo qaarkood jagooyinkoodu banaanayeen mudo sanad ku dhowdhow markii qaarkood iskood shaqada uga tageen,xilalkan uu Siilaanyo magacaabay maanta ayaa kala ah:-

1- Faysal Cali sheekh oo loo magacaabey Agaasimaha guud ee wasaarada arimaha debeda awel horena ahaa agaasimaha guud ee warfaafinta

2- Cabdirashiid Jibriil Yoonis oo loo magacaabay Agaasimaha guud ee warfaafinta

3- Cabdirashiid Cabdilaahi Maxamed oo loo magacaabay Agaasimaha guud ee diinta iyo awqaafta

4- Axmed Cumar Faahiye oo loo magacaabay Agaasimaha guud ee arimaha gudaha

5- Saleebaan Jaamac Diiriye oo loo magacaabay Agaasimaha guud ee maaliyada iyo

6- Maxamed Daahir Axmed oo loo magacaabay xidhiidhiyaha raashinka deeqda ah ee ay bixiso hayada caalamaiga ah ee WFP.

Dhinaca kale wuxuu madaxweyne siilaanyo xilkii ka qaadey xidhiidhiyihii hore ee raashinka deeqda ah ee ay bixiso hayada caalamaiga aha ee WFP Axmed Xasan Nuur,.

Xubnaha Somaliland ee todobaadkii lasoo dhaafay uu magacaabay

Xubnaha Somaliland ee todobaadkii lasoo dhaafay uu magacaabay

Madaxweynaha Somaliland Mudane Axmed Maxamed Maxamuud (Siilaanyo), ayaa tiradoodu tahay Shan xubnood, kuwaas oo kala ah sidan:
Wasiirka wasaaradda Arimaha Dibadda Dr Maxamed cabdilaahi Cumar,
Gudoomiye ku xigeenka koowaad ee Golaha wakiilada Somaliland Md.Baashe Maxamed Faarax,
Gudoomiyaha Xisbiga Ucid Engineer faysal cali waraabe,
Wasiirka wasaaradda Madaxtooyada Md. Xirsi Cali X xasan,
Wasiirka wasaaradda Shaqada iyo Arrimaha bulshada Maxamuud Axmed Barre Garaad

Magacayada gudida Sheekh Shariif Magcaabay ayaa lagu sheegay:
Wasiirka Arrimaha Gudaha iyo Amniga Qaranka dawladda ku-meelgaadhka ah Mr. Cabdisamad Macallin Maxamuud Sheekh Xasan Guddoomiyaha guddida wadahadallada (Chief negotiator).
Wasiirka Hiddaha iyo Tacliinta Sare ee dawladda ku-meelgaadhka ah Mr. Axmed Caydiid Ibraahim.
Safiirka dawladda ku-meelgaadhka ah u fadhiya Jabuuti Ambassador Cabdi Xuseen Guulwade.
Xildhibaan Xuseen Xasan oo ka mid ah Baarlamaanka Soomaaliya
iyo Xildhibaan Maxamed Xasan Aadan oo ka tirsan Baarlamaanka

Sunday, June 17, 2012

Drones, computers new weapons of U.S. shadow wars

Drones, computers new weapons of U.S. shadow wars

WASHINGTON (AP) – After a decade of costly conflict in Iraq and Afghanistan, the American way of war is evolving toward less brawn, more guile.

By Kirsty Wigglesworth, 2010 AP photo

An unmanned U.S. Predator drone flies over Kandahar Air Field, southern Afghanistan, on a moon-lit night.


By Kirsty Wigglesworth, 2010 AP photo

An unmanned U.S. Predator drone flies over Kandahar Air Field, southern Afghanistan, on a moon-lit night.

Sponsored Links

Drone aircraft spy on and attack terrorists with no pilot in harm's way. Small teams of special operations troops quietly train and advise foreign forces. Viruses sent from computers to foreign networks strike silently, with no American fingerprint.

It's war in the shadows, with the U.S. public largely in the dark.

In Pakistan, armed drones, not U.S. ground troops or B-52 bombers, are hunting down al-Qaeda terrorists, and a CIA-run raid of Osama bin Laden's hide-out was executed by a stealthy team of Navy SEALs.

In Yemen, drones and several dozen U.S. military advisers are trying to help the government tip the balance against an al-Qaeda offshoot that harbors hopes of one day attacking the U.S. homeland.

In Somalia, the Horn of Africa country that has not had a fully functioning government since 1991, President Obama secretly has authorized two drone strikes and two commando raids against terrorists.

In Iran, surveillance drones have kept an eye on nuclear activities while a computer attack reportedly has infected its nuclear enrichment facilities with a virus, possibly delaying the day when the U.S. or Israel might feel compelled to drop real bombs on Iran and risk a wider war in the Middle East.

The high-tech warfare allows Obama to target what the administration sees as the greatest threats to U.S. security, without the cost and liabilities of sending a swarm of ground troops to capture territory; some of them almost certainly would come home maimed or dead.

But it also raises questions about accountability and the implications for international norms regarding the use of force outside of traditional armed conflict. The White Housetook an incremental step Friday toward greater openness about the basic dimensions of its shadowy wars by telling Congress for the first time that the U.S. military has been launching lethal attacks on terrorist targets in Somalia and Yemen. It did not mention drones, and its admission did not apply to CIA operations.

"Congressional oversight of these operations appears to be cursory and insufficient," said Steven Aftergood, an expert on government secrecy issues for the Federation of American Scientists, a private group.

"It is Congress' responsibility to declare war under the Constitution, but instead it appears to have adopted a largely passive role while the executive takes the initiative in war fighting," Aftergood said in an interview.

That's partly because lawmakers relinquished their authority by passing a law just after the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks that essentially granted the White House open-ended authority for armed action against al-Qaeda.

Secret wars are not new.

For decades, the CIA has carried out covert operations abroad at the president's direction and with congressional notice. It armed the mujahedeen in Afghanistan who fought Soviet occupiers in the 1980s, for example. In recent years the U.S. military's secretive commando units have operated more widely, even in countries where the U.S. is not at war, and that's blurred the lines between the intelligence and military spheres.

In this shroud of secrecy, leaks to the news media of classified details about certain covert operations have led to charges that the White House orchestrated the revelations to bolster Obama's national security credentials and thereby improve his re-election chances. The White House has denied the accusations.

The leaks exposed details of U.S. computer virus attacks on Iran's nuclear program, the foiling of an al-Qaeda bomb plot targeting U.S. aircraft, and other secret operations.

Two U.S. attorneys are heading separate FBI investigations into leaks of national security information, and Congress is conducting its own probe.

It's not just the news media that has pressed the administration for information about its shadowy wars.

Some in Congress, particularly those lawmakers most skeptical of the need for U.S. foreign interventions, are objecting to the administration's drone wars. They are demanding a fuller explanation of how, for example, drone strikes are authorized and executed in cases in which the identity of the targeted terrorist is not confirmed.

"Our drone campaigns already have virtually no transparency, accountability or oversight," Democratic Rep. Dennis Kucinich and 25 other mostly anti-war members of Congress wrote Obama on Tuesday.

A few dozen lawmakers are briefed on the CIA's covert action and clandestine military activity, and some may ask to review drone strike video and be granted access to after-action reports on strikes and other clandestine actions. But until two months ago, the administration had not formally confirmed in public its use of armed drones.

In an April speech in Washington, Obama's counterterrorism chief, John Brennan, acknowledged that despite presidential assurances of a judicious use of force against terrorists, some still question the legality of drone strikes.

"So let me say it as simply as I can: Yes, in full accordance with the law — and in order to prevent terrorist attacks on the United States and to save American lives — the United States government conducts targeted strikes against specific al-Qaeda terrorists, sometimes using remotely piloted aircraft, often referred to publicly as drones," he said.

President George W. Bush authorized drone strikes in Pakistan and elsewhere, but Obama has vastly increased the numbers. According to Bill Roggio of The Long War Journal, an online publication that tracks U.S. counterterrorism operations, the U.S. under Obama has carried out an estimated 254 drone strikes in Pakistan alone. That compares with 47 strikes during the Bush administration.

In at least one case the target was an American. Anwar al-Awlaki, an al-Qaeda leader, was killed in a U.S. drone strike in Yemen in September.

According to a White House list released late last year, U.S. counterterrorism operations have removed more than 30 terrorist leaders around the globe. They include al-Qaeda in East Africa "planner" Saleh Ali Saleh Nabhan, who was killed in a helicopter strike in Somalia.

The drone campaign is highly unpopular overseas.

A Pew Research Center survey on the U.S. image abroad found that in 17 of 21 countries surveyed, more than half of the people disapproved of U.S. drone attacks targeting extremist leaders in such places as Pakistan, Yemen and Somalia. In the U.S., 62 percent approved of the drone campaign, making American public opinion the clear exception.

The U.S. use of cyberweapons, like viruses that sabotage computer networks or other high-tech tools that can invade computers and steal data, is even more closely shielded by official secrecy and, arguably, less well understood.

Republican Sen. John McCain has been a leading critic of the administration's handling of information about using computers as a tool of war.

"I think that cyberattacks are one of the greatest threats that we face," McCain said in a recent interview, "and we have a very divided and not very well-informed Congress addressing it."

Defense Secretary Leon Panetta and national security officials often talk publicly about improving U.S. defenses against cyberattack, not only on U.S. government computer systems but also against defense contractors and other private networks linked, for example, to the U.S. financial system or electrical grid. Left largely unexplained is the U.S. capacity to use computer viruses and other cyberweapons against foreign targets.

In the view of some, the White House has cut Congress out of the loop, even in the realm of overt warfare.

Democratic Sen. James Webb, who saw combat in Vietnam as a Marine, introduced legislation last month that would require that the president seek congressional approval before committing U.S. forces in civil conflicts, such as last year's armed intervention in Libya, in which there is no imminent security threat to the U.S.

"Year by year, skirmish by skirmish, the role of the Congress in determining where the U.S. military would operate, and when the awesome power of our weapon systems would be unleashed has diminished," Webb said.

US declassifies attacks in Yemen, Somalia

US declassifies attacks in Yemen, Somalia

Associated Press

WASHINGTON (AP) — The White House is partially lifting the lid of secrecy on its counterterrorism campaign against al-Qaida in Yemen and Somalia by formally acknowledging for the first time that it is conducting lethal attacks in those countries.

The White House's semiannual report to Congress on the state of U.S. combat operations abroad, delivered Friday, mentions what has been widely reported for years but never formally acknowledged by the administration: The U.S. military has been taking "direct action" against members of al-Qaida and affiliates in Yemen and Somalia.

The report does not elaborate, but "direct action" is a military term of art that refers to a range of lethal attacks, which in the case of Yemen and Somalia include attacks by armed drones. The report does not mention drones, which are remote-controlled, pilotless aircraft equipped with surveillance cameras and sometimes armed with missiles.

The report applies only to U.S. military operations, including those by special operations forces — not those conducted by the CIA.

"In all cases we are focused on those al-Qaida members and affiliates who pose a direct threat to the United States and to our national interests," Pentagon press secretary George Little said after the report's release. "This report contains information about these operations owing to their growing significance in our overall counterterrorism effort."

The report does not provide details of any military operations in either Yemen or Somalia. It merely acknowledges they have happened. Killings of terror suspects overseas are acknowledged by the administration, but it does not mention the involvement of drones. The CIA and military have separate drone fleets.

The decision by President Barack Obama to declassify the existence of the counterterror actions in those two countries amounts an incremental move toward greater openness about the use of U.S. force overseas. It does not reflect any change in the intensity or basic character of the U.S. campaign to defeat al-Qaida.

A previous step in the direction of greater official transparency came in April when the White House's counterterrorism chief, John Brennan, made the first formal confirmation that the U.S. uses armed drones against terrorists. But he did not mention their use in specific countries.

The new information in Friday's report comes amid outcries from some in Congress about leaks to the news media about details of classified activities such as the existence of a White House "kill list" of targeted al-Qaida militants. The accusation, mostly by Republicans, is that the White House has orchestrated the leaks to improve Obama's re-election chances, an allegation the president has rejected as "offensive" and "wrong."

Three administration officials who briefed The Associated Press on the decision to declassify the existence of the military's counterterrorism campaigns in Yemen and Somalia said Obama determined that the time was ripe, in part because the U.S. has built closer relations with the Yemeni government and with governments interested in eliminating extremist elements in Somalia. Somalia has not had a fully functioning government since 1991.

The officials said the declassification of further details in future reports to Congress would remain under White House review.

Under the War Powers Resolution of 1973, the White House is required to report to Congress every six months on U.S. combat operations abroad. Friday's report includes a secret attachment with classified details, which was not released publicly.

The last report, on Dec. 15, 2011, made no mention of Yemen or Somalia. Instead it said that in relation to efforts against al-Qaida, the U.S. was working with partners "with a particular focus on countries within the U.S. Central Command's area of responsibility," which is a broad swath of territory that includes the entire Middle East and Central Asia.

Friday's report was more explicit. It said that in Somalia the U.S. military has worked to counter the terrorist threat posed by al-Qaida and al-Qaida-associated elements of a militant group called al-Shabaab.

"In a limited number of cases, the U.S. military has taken direct action in Somalia against members of al-Qaida, including those who are also members of al-Shabaab, who are engaged in efforts to carry out terrorist attacks against the United States and our interests," it said.

It said the U.S. military also has been working closely with the Yemeni government to "operationally dismantle and ultimately eliminate" the terrorist threat posed by al-Qaida in the Arabian Peninsula, or AQAP.

It called AQAP "the most active and dangerous affiliate of al-Qaida today."

"Our joint efforts have resulted in direct action against a limited number of AQAP operatives and senior leaders in that country who posed a terrorist threat to the United States and our interests," the report said.

SOMALIA: Why I think Somaliland quest for international ‘recognition’ has hit a dead end

SOMALIA: Why I think Somaliland quest for international 'recognition' has hit a dead end

Why I think Somaliland quest for international 'recognition' has hit a dead end
By: Saed Faadi


After 21 years of aggressive quest for international'recognition' and 'independence', Somaliland looks to have changed course. The U-turn of Silanyo's administration is telling the story. Anecdotal – and not empirical – evidences show that,  Silanyo administration have come to terms with diplomatic reality. That is why they have formally embarked on 'actively' participating reconciliation conferences held for Somalia.

But what beats me is, what turned president Silanyo'timid'. Of course, everyone has weaknesses. But "timidity" is a foreign element in his list of weaknesses. He is never known to be a coward. He is among the few Somali politicians who has the guts to speak the truth to power, come hell or high waters.  My point? Why is the president refusing to take coward's way out and commit political suicide to tell the better truth – black and white?

I think, we need to understand the dilemma, the man found himself in. It is not like taking candy from a baby to turn around and tell chauvinists and tribal hardliners:"guys, we hit a dead end, and we are going nowhere with our quest for independence. We will remain in the union. And that is why we decided to negotiate with the TFG for better terms, Period – end of press release".

That is the hot news to come. And I have tuned my radio on BBC to be among the first to know.

Before the D-day, allow me to put the turns and twists of failing strategies into context.

Somaliland politicians employed antagonistic strategies to disgracefully end the 'unconditional marriage' of the two regions in July 1, 1960.

The first strategy is the voodoo of tribalism. Hold your horses, I call it voodoo because in Somalia, TRIBALISM borders with voodooism.  Voodoo is a sort of religion that has its origins from Africa. In voodoo, all logic is defied and instructions of mythical spirits of dead people – through voodoo priests – are heeded unchallenged. They have to be appeased with bloody sacrifices to get peace and wealth.  And if these spirits are displeased, war and poverty are purported to follow.

In similar vein, Somali tribal leaders use mythical names of deceased 'ancestors' to cocoon and intimidate the common into submission. They conflate their interests with mythical names – Dir, Darood, Hawiye, Raxanwayn, Isaak , suchlike.

These are devil's and demon's names. Aren't they the demons that blow out hatred between us and plunged our country into the mayhem that we bogged down for 21 years?

Many believe they never existed in the first place.  Even if they did, what is their use? They don't make sense at all – unless someone resolved to live in the past with superstitions.

What is my point? In Somaliland, the voodoo of tribalism is found to be a potent instrument to kill the nerve of nationalism. London taxi-drivers-cum-politicians mastered the art of tribalism from the hotly debated street-chatting –Fadhi-ku-dirir as common known – of 'Southall'. They come back home with small thinking – full of tribal jingoism – to assume ministerial posts. That is why they have nothing to offer other than tribal hats that symbolises hatred, ignorance and disunity.  It is phony but it is an effective step-stone to the corridors of power in Somalia.

Somaliland 'politicians' have taken voodoo of tribalism to an extra mile. They used this potent tool to implant superfluous animosity and hatred in the blood stream of 'their' people against other Somali communities. Look at the dictatorship-era MIG plane monument at the centre of Hargeisa to fathom this. What message does it convey to the common man?

Allow me to hypothesise what comes to the mind of the common 'man' when viewing this monument. He gets a cynical impression of other Somali communities. He thinks Somalis hate Hargeisa and its people. And that is why 'they' used warplanes to destroy them completely. He does not understand the complex ideology of tyranny and totalitarian regimes.  His untrained microprocessor translates information into a language that he understands – tribe and tribalism. That is why they don't ask why? But instead ask whose tribe? They can't just get it.

The second strategy is the well-acted political show. Let's give credit where it dues – this was plausible. Somaliland taught a lesson to African countries on how to conduct credible and democratic elections with minimum donor support. Traditionally, It is rare to defeat a sitting president – with the access to state machineries – in Africa. But this took place in Somaliland.

It took everyone by surprise – Multiparty democracy, emotional referendum, 'free and fair' elections and smooth transition of power keys from one elected president to another. But that is not end of it. The strategy had its dirty part. Some of the politicking was sham and reeked desperation.

"Given an option between joining Ethiopia and remaining united with Somalia, we better go for Ethiopia. Because Somaliland 'people' and Ethiopians have natural nearness and close blood relations", a senior Somaliland politician is on record lamenting these utterances in mammoth rally at centre of Hargaysa. Although everyone knows that it was a charade and the opposite was true but the small 'man' in the rally cheered him with passion. The best response of such verbal diarrhoea was to leave the rally immediately to posture disdain. So that he can tell this to the birds in a deserted venue.

The recent petulancies of the Adna Adan that branded all Somalis – their Sheiks and Sharifs  – as'pirates' and 'terrorist' is stilling lingering the heads of many. She posed the bizarre question," who wants to join pirates and terrorists"? It was as outrageous as it was unprovoked utterance.

As the wife of one of our iconic freedom fighters and former Somali Prime Minister, Adna is respected as national symbol. And she is expected to comport herself with national decorum whenever she is making public utterances. Tribal jingoism and divisive politicking was the least we expected from her.

Somalis over the world are the two sides of single coin. You need to put you thinking hat to fathom this. They are known to have one identity, Somali-Warya – no more, no less. And we are proud of that because that is what 'closely' holds us together as brothers and sisters in foreign land – thousands of Kilometres away from home. It was weird to differentiate the 'children 'of a single 'mother' as democrats and liberals in the north and'terrorists' and 'pirates' in the south. Such argument doesn't hold water.

Ask yourself where the top leaders of Al-Shabab whom America put millions of dollars bounty on their head are from. Aren't they the sons of Hargaysa and Burao? What did she want to say?

The biggest failure of mother, in Somali traditions, occurs when she fails to recognise 'her' children from others.  And I think, Adna failed this test for the first time.

I am not on denying that she is a legend that is larger than life in our social and political life.

In fact, one can convincing argue that she is the only'man' in our male-dominated world of politics that is capable of cutting a deal when push comes to shove.  But unfortunately, she dropped points in last remarks. Why did she abandon the unconditional love of Somali mothers?

My unsolicited advice to her would be, your remarks reeked gratuitous hatred for 'your children', mam, but you don't have to apologise – we can forgive you and forget about it because of what you have done for 'us'. But my humble advice to you mam would be – don't dig deep in a hole that you are in.

My last argument is economical. The quest faced monumental failure because the books are not balancing. Somaliland is poor because it is poor. Apart from livestock export, its economy is heavily dependent on the indirect foreign aid, which is currently on the decline. After 21 of breastfeeding, the baby failed to stand on its feet. The INGOs and UN Agencies in Hargeisa are faced with dire fund deficiency and donor fatigue.

These elements of 'global governance' don't flourish where there is peace and functional local system. They impose themselves where local systems fail to provide services. This is global phenomena. And that is why the donor interest is shifting to the CSS – South and Central Somalia -away from Somaliland and Puntland.  My point? Economically, Somaliland cannot 'go' it alone. It does not have viable natural resources to meet the needs of its growing population.

You should not be hoodwinked by the two Hotels – Ambassador and Mansoor. There is nothing in between. That is why many Hargaysa University graduates die every year in the desert between Sudan and Libyan or drown in the Atlantic Ocean in the middle of illegal immigration to Europe for survival.

I am not a geologist but my little bird never reported any plausible oil exploration discoveries in Somaliland like Puntland – despite both off-shore and inland attempts.

The only hope left for Somaliland is the highly contentious but already marked well in Holhol in deep interiors of Nugal valley. You can take this to the bank – this is the main reason why Somaliland is hell-bent on winning its love triangle with Puntland over Sool and Sanag regions.

But this is going to be a "blood diamond".  It puts the beacon of peace into head-on collision, first with Khatuma state and later in a titanic clash with Puntland.  What could be the end result? Methinks, Somaliland will be forced to give up and go home with scares on the face. But it won't go without a bitter fight. The gloves will always be off for unfortunate confrontation and bloodshed.

That is the worst case scenario in which president Silanyo is trying to avoid. That is why visionary leaders thoughtfully strategize beyond the wishful thinking of the common man. I hope that is the line of his thinking.


By: Saed Faadi,

The author is a topical commentator.

Somaliland: Somali Talks imminent

Somaliland: Somali Talks imminent

HARGEISA (Somalilandsun) – Talks to arrange talks between Somaliland and Somalia are about to commence

This information was twitted by president Silanyo through his personal twitter where he informed that the Somaliland delegation will leave on Sunday (17th June 2012) to hold talks with Somalia in the United Kingdom.

This development comes only 2 days after the official government spokesperson and minister of information Hon Abdirahman Boobe released a statement which not only detailed Somaliland's agenda but a reconstituted technical committee.

As per the government statement, Somaliland will only discuss matters pertinent to, blessing each other for a prosperous nationhood, establish brotherly relations of two neighbouring countries and discuss future cooperation as two sovereign countries.

The new talk's technical reconstituted by the president H.E Ahmed Mahmoud Silanyo is composed of

1. Dr Mohamed Abdilahi Omar Foreign Minister – Committee chair

2. Hon Bashe Mohamed Farah- 1st Deputy speaker of parliament (House of representative)

3. Hon Feisal Ali Warabe - Chairman of UCID Political party (Opposition)

4. Hon Hirsi H Ali Hasan – Presidency minister

5. Hon Mahmoud Ahmed Barre (Garaad) – Minister of Labour & Social Affairs

This committee which includes opposition politicians, members of parliament and cabinet ministers replaces the earlier five member committee that was made up solely by cabinet ministers.

The talks are as a result of the February London conference on Somalia.

In the recent past differences have occurred between the two countries with TFG officials n Mogadishu claiming that the talks are geared towards discussing re-unification while Somaliland maintains that its sovereignty is irrevocable not to mention that the purported unification of the 1960'snever materialized.


Geerida iyo aaska Aamiir Na'if Bin Cabdiasiis

Ahmed Arwo

Maanta waxaan halkan ku soo qaadi doonaa dhacdo soo jiidatay indhaheyga iyo qalbigeyaga, waa geerida Alle ha u naxariistee ku timid amiirka ku-xigeenka boqorka NaĆ­f in badana ahaa wasiisrka gudaha. Waxa aynu ka war haynaa sida dalal badan oo xataa dalkeenu ka mid yahay ay u dhinac maraan habka loo aaso madaxda iyagoo ku dheeha dhaqan ka soo jeeda kristaanka oo bigil, miisik baroor ah iyo gaardi askar iyo calanka oo lagu duubo ku sagootiya madaxda inaga dhimata.
Maanta intaasi mey dhicin. Calan lagu duubay ma jirto, sanduuq la qurxiyey lama saarin, gaardis iyo rasaas looma ridin, bigil looma afuufin. Mara caadi ah ayaa lagu kafnay deedna naxash dul qaawan ayaa lagu qaaday, mey qaadin cid aan ahayn wiilashiisa kuwa uu dhalay iyo kuwey sii dhaleen iyo kuwuu adeerka u ahaa. Waxa amiirka lagu tukadey salaada maqrib ee xaramka. Waxa ku tukadey dadweyne jinsi kasta leh oo ka dhex muuqda agagaarka boqorka iyo reer Cabdicasiis. Waxa iga yaabisay sida hawsha yar ee nabadda loo sugay iyadoo cidhiidhiga lagu hayo boqorka iyo sida dadweynahu ugu dhowyahay oo jinsi kasta leh aan loo diidin lana joojin.

Waxa ka muuqatay sunaha diinteena aan ogolyn kibir, isweynayn, ee mar walba leyna xusuusiyo sinaanta, walaalnimada, wadajirka iyo kala sooc la'aanta. Waxa ruux kasta oo daawaday dareemayaa adduunku inuu yahay geedi nolasha joogta ahina tahay ta aakhiro. Ninka guuleystayna yahay kan aakhiro u saad qaata ee ayna ahayn waxa dunida lagu faano ee dahab, macadan iyo qasar leh, ee leh mansab iyo maqaam. Waxa guuleysta ninka aakhiradiisa mansabka uu hayo ku ilaashada, ninka ogaada in xisaabi ka dambeyso, ruux garta maqaamka uu hayaa inuu yahay mid u horseedi kara guusha janada amba hoogga naarta.

Xabaasha lagu aasay waa mid caadi ah, ma laha astaan iyo calaamda ka duwan kuwa muslimiinta ku aasan, ma laha qudbi iyo dhisme, ma laha dhex iyo meel magac lagu qoro. Waa god la qoday deedna dhinaca dhulka loo dhigay oon lahayn sanduuq iyo wax dhulka ka xiga, deedna ciida lagu boobay oo lala simay xabalaha ka horeeyey. Waa mid muujineysa sinnaanta diinteenu inta badan inoo dheegtay, waa ciddii wax ku qaadanaysa..dhegaha waansan ayaa wax maqla. Dunidu waa geedi ee noloshu waa aakhiro.
Alle ha u naxariistee Amiirkani waxaa lagu tilmaamaa nin dhinaca amaanka dalkan dhisay ahaana tiir adag oo nabadda xujaajta iyo xajka mas'uuliyad gaar aha iska saaray oon cidna ku haleyn. Waana mas'uuliyad eed badan, adag oo dhib badan.
Waxa uu halhays u lahaa erey noqday calaamada ciidanka booliska oo aha "ASKARIGA KOOWAAD EE NABADDU WAA MUWAADINKA"
Erey kale ayaan anigu ku xusuustaa. Iyadoo la weydiiyey waxa uu dumarka ugu diidan yahay darawalnimada ayuu si hawl yar ugu jawaabay " Ma diidani ee ha ogolaadaan dadweynaha Sacuudigu… sowdinka yidhaahda dimuquraadiyadu waa waxa inta badani dooneyso…haddaba ha la gaadha kolka inta badani sidaas doonayso….ha ogolaadaan waalidkood iyo walaaladood "

Maqaalkan umaan qalin qaadan inaan wax ka sheego wax qabadka iyo waxyeelada Amiirka Alle naxariista janno ha ka waraabiyee, ee waxaan rabaa inaan dareenkeyga idinla wadaago iyo habka fudud ee ku salaysan shareecada Islaamka ee aaskani u dhacay iyo sida dhaqanka gaaladu u bedeley habka aynu u aasno madaxdeena. Waxaana habboon in aynu dib ugu noqono diinteena. Marka uu ruuxu ugu dhowyahay Illaaha abuurtay aynaan ku sagootiyin dhaqan ka soo jeeda diin kale iyo gaalnimo. Aan tuurno calan duubka, bigilka, heesaha baruur diiqda ah, gabayga iyo ciidanka naxashka la qurxiyey gaadaa-socodka ku qaada.

Waxuu noqday Amiirkii ugu horeeyey ee Xaramka lagu tukaday Makanna lagu aasay iyadoo cadadu ahayd in lagu aaso Riyaad, taas oo lagu sifeeyey inuu isagu ku dardaarmay.
Inaa lilaa wa inaa ileyhi raajacuun. Alle ha u naxariistu Amiir Na' if Bin-abdicasiis ehelkiisa iyo umaadda Sacuudigana ha waafajiyo duco iyo samjir.

Axmed Xasan Carwo

Somaliland can achieve recognition through multi-clan equality

Somaliland can achieve recognition through multi-clan equality

Somaliland achieved independence from Somalia through the struggle against the rein of the late dictator, Siyad Barre that has ruled the county for more than 20 years after SNM forces from Somaliland deposed his socialist government .
Although some of the people that are in the current Somaliland geographical state have not contributed much to the struggle towards the independence of Somaliland, the succession conference in May 18, 1991, adopted that all people in Somaliland are equal.

This was a landslide victory for the people of the former British protectorate of Somaliland, gaining independence after the plunder into the 1st July 1960 doomed union with Somalia.

Having exercised and enjoyed two presidential and one parliamentary elections, the country has since then been split into regions and into clan enclaves by its own successive governments.

The people from Somaliland are suffering now because of the following two phenomenon that are on the rise in the country.
A)Tribalism (The behaviour and attitudes that stem from strong loyalty to one's own tribe) and.

B) Nepotism- ( favouritism granted to relatives regardless of merit) . Look into all Somaliland political parties and then search for their supporters. The result: The majority come from the inner circle of the kin of the party leader.

The same goes for the appointment of ministerial positions as well as awarding major contracts to private entities . The late controversial cable contract in SLD is a good example. The ex-minister of Posts and Telecommunications that has presided over this venture has been removed shortly after the contract was awarded to a certain company , but then suddenly formed his own cab company in the capital possibly financed through the monies received as result of a kick-back that he has received from the cable contract .

Growing clan divisions can easily be seen in Facebook, i.e. - young people using names of their tribes /clans in their profile names instead of the names of their regions of origin. Other indications are the continuous clan based conferences in all Somaliland regions, the latest being Daallo conference by my clan to be held soon close to my place of birth – Medeshi of Erigavo district .

As I see , Erigavo conference is doomed to fail . The main reason is that the agenda is for a clan that is dispersed throughout Somaliland and as far Gaashaamo of Ethiopia Somali region . For these people to come together and unite as one is almost impossible because of the geographical distance as well the basic mutual interests ( Oodi ab ka dhow ) as it is said in the Somali proverb.

I would , therefore , suggest that other stake holders in Sanaag region, including Naalaye Ahmed , Warsangeli, Musa Aboker and others be included in the conference to produce effective conclusions that could merit the development, sustainable security and the prosperity of the region. I also urge the young , the elites and the intellectual community of Somaliland to abstain from promoting clan issues in the web and in public and avoid clan politicization.
Somaliland can only achieve recognition by showing equality among its people, equal distribution of wealth among its regions and exercising of respect of both freedom of press and human rights within its own territory .

Back ground :

Since 1991, no central government has controlled Somalia , despite several attempts to establish a unified central government. The self-governing region of Puntland covers the northeast of the country. It declares itself to be autonomous, but not independent from Somalia. The Islamist Al-Shabaab controls a large part of the south of the country. Without a central government, Somalia's inhabitants subsequently reverted to local forms of conflict resolution, either civil, Islamic, or customary law. The internationally recognized Transitional Federal Government controls only parts of the capital and some territory in the centre of the nation, but has re-established national institutions such as the Military of Somalia, and is working towards eventual national elections in August , 2012, when the interim government's mandate expires.

After the collapse of the central government in Somalia in 1991, Somaliland ( Former British Protectorate ) , led by the Somali National Movement (SNM), declared independence from the rest of Somalia on May 18 , 1991. Since then , Somaliland has held two presidential elections with smooth transition of power and one parliamentary election.


Weerarkii Tukaraq+sarkaal dilay sarkaal kale iyo laba askari+ hanbabarkii Cadami

Weerarkii Tukaraq+sarkaal dilay sarkaal kale iyo laba askari+ hanbabarkii Cadami

Hargysa,-Ciidamada Somalilanad ee deganaa jiida Ganbadha ayaa saaka ku ruqaansadey tuulada Tukaraq oo ku dhaw soohdinta kala badha maamul goboleedka Puntland iyo Somaliland,hase yeeshee sida warar xogogaala oo aanu ka helay dad degan gobolka Sool oo aanu la xidhiidhnay noo xaqiijiyeen inaan degaanka Tukaraq ka dhicin wax khasaare naf iyo maalba ah oo ilaa hadda la soo sheegay balse maleeshiyo beeleedkii Khaatumo State ee halkaas ku sugnaa u baxsadeen ama u kolonyeystaan jihada Koonfureed, lana ogeyn ilaa hadda meelay jaan iyo cidhib dhigeen.Wararka iska soo daba dhacaaya ee aanu helaynaa waxay sheegeen in ciidamada qaranku ku soo laabteen fadhiisamadoodii ka dib markii ay kala eryeeen maleeshooyinkii halkaas deganaa oo la sheegay inay maalmahanba soo kordhayeen.

Wararkaanu ilaa hadda na soo gaadhayaa waxay tibaaxayaan in sarkaal hubaysan oo ka tirsan ciidanka qaranka oo ka soo jeeda gobolka Sool saaka rasaas la dhexqaaday ciidanku ka tirsanaa halkaasna ku dilay hal sarkaal, dhaawacayna sadex askari oo dhamaantood ka tirsan ciidamada qaranka markii laysku af-dhaafey qadiyadii dagaalka saaka ciidamada qaranku ku qabsadeen Tukaraq.

Dhinaca kale wasiirka wasaarada gaashandhiga Cadami oo goor dhaweyd shir jaraaid ku qabtay hargeysa oo ka hadlay weerarkaas ciidamada Somaliland ku qaadeen jiida Tukaraq ayaa ku sheegay in sababta ciidamadu goobtaas u weerareen ahayd inay kala eryaan maleeshiyooyin u daacad ah Khaatumo State oo beryahanba Tukaraq isku urursanaayey, wuxuuna intaas raaciyey inay ciidamadoodu ku soo noqdeen fadhiisamadoodii awelbana ujeedadoodu ahayd inay maleeshiyadaa kala eryaan balse may rabin inay tukaraq qabsadaan ayuu raaciyey.

Ahmed Hassan Arwo

Sustainable Peace: Why Somaliland Matters

Sustainable Peace: Why Somaliland Matters

Like in wars between states and other organized groups, civil wars and other protracted domestic conflicts are seldom caused by a single factor. Over time, even those that prove to be the exception to the rule eventually evolve into a much more complex conflict- hence the entity known as Somaliland.

A Brief History

Only five days after gaining its independence from the colonial power on June 26, 1960, British Somaliland joined in a union with their brethren in Italian Somaliland which gained its independence on July 1, 1960. The union was widely supported by the public and the political leadership of both sides. Immediately, upon the latter's independence, the legislative councils of both newly independent states met in a joint session in Mogadishu to form the new republic's national assembly in which they elected Aden Abdulle Osman as the first president of the new democratic nation.

Though historians and other reasonable minds might differ on this, the North—as today's Somaliland was domestically known—is generally believed that it got the short end of the union deal. However, one thing that is not in dispute is the fact that in 1988 the military government led by Mohamed Siad Bare carried out a devastating and brutal military campaign to crush the resistance movement known as the Somali Northern Movement (SNM) which was gaining a popular support in the North. Though the said campaign was against the SNM whose main agenda was to recall the Act of the Union signed shortly after the founding of the new nation, in the process, it greatly affected various communities in that region.

While the SNM was generally the target and it operated out of the North, it was no secret that the tyrannical military system which was made up of all sorts of clans targeted the one particular clan considered to be the central pillar of the movement- the Isaqs. Never mind that there has never been a single clan which was entirely secessionist let alone an entire region holding that view. That is why members of that clan were part of the military government, the first post-civil war administration known as the Transitional National Government (TNG), and are now part of the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) and all the transitional institutions.

Fast forward to 1991 and the subsequent two decades when the state imploded, the military by and large disbanded into clan militias, and anarchy, insecurity, famine, piracy and helplessness consumed the mind and blurred the vision. It was in that period when the two entities currently known as Somalia and Somaliland would drift apart. Somalia would be mired by protracted wars, anarchy and their byproducts while Somaliland would establish a semblance of peace and stability and indeed good governance. The latter declared its secession and the former has ever since been chasing the political mirage of first solving the Southern problem before attempting to engage the Northern one.

Two decades later the quixotic task of ritualistically attempting to search and find the solution elements only in the South have proven futile and in many ways detrimental.

Changing Conditions

Today, there are new dynamics that have been altering realities on the ground. Though these dynamics have both positive and negative components, in the whole they have begun pushing Somalis from North and South into a realm of unclenched fists and extended hands. And that is profound progress. Contrary to the nineties and the first decade of the Twenty First Century, there is now more interface and interaction, cross-marriage, and cross-migration.

Perhaps because of time's capacity to heal the hurt, the attitude of hostility that rendered all forms of reasoned discourse dead on arrival has gradually been tamed and by and large neutralized. The result has been a political maturity of both sides that cannot be denied. In various pockets across the Somali diaspora communities, there are unofficial dialogue groups who discuss how to end the status quo and settle our differences.

The ever-evolving contentious struggle to reshape the North region of Somalia along clan identities carves out clan minefields with the potential to blow at up any time. The geographical area initially declared as Somaliland is now divided into four different territories: the Somaliland, Khaatumo, Awdal, and Maakhir states. The latter three—all populated mainly by non Isaqs—oppose secession. Recent tensions in Buhoodle area that caused many deaths is simply in hibernation.

Clan wars have shifted away from its seemingly perpetual habitat in Mogadishu and its surroundings into places such as Somaliland and Puntland. What is more worrisome than that might be that, unless derailed, threats emanating from religious extremism could also shift into these two regions. And that probability is increased by the fact that some of the highest ranking al-Shabaab members hail from Somaliland and Puntland.

The post-civil war generation made up of the youth who grew up in the age of cynicism and distrust while the wounds of the 1988 campaign were still fresh and collective guilt of those who hailed from the south was not only justified but a popular norm still make up the only remaining block whose majority still uphold secessionist ideals.

There is a growing trend of the revered cultural elders or clan leaders breaking ranks with the official secessionist position after realizing the infeasibility of that political enterprise. Some have even gone public with their new views.

The business community on both sides, mindful of the economic interdependency of Hargaisa and Mogadishu, are openly eager to see an alternative to the status quo. Furthermore, many well to do Northern families who had properties in the South are also eager to reclaim what is rightfully theirs.

International Support to the Secession Movement

As it was underlined in the London and Istanbul Conferences, foreign support for secession has reached a dead-end primarily because of two factors. Internally, it is the non-sustainability of Somaliland's claimed boarder and the potential for perpetual clan contentions. Externally, it is Ethiopia's long standing policy toward Somalia which is based on supporting one Somali political entity against another while diplomatically or otherwise bulwarking against any serious momentum toward secession.

Due to its desire for unlimited sea access, landlocked Ethiopia finds Somaliland a convenient arrangement and an entity that it would've invented had it not existed. By the same token, it sees the option to recognize Somaliland as a political Pandora's Box that could embolden the secession aspirations of the ethnically Somali Ogaden region in Ethiopia. Perhaps beyond the economic consequence of losing an oil-rich region or any threat that al-Shabaab might present, Ethiopia finds a bigger strategic threat in the possibility of ethnic Somalis securing four seats in the powerful regional authority IGAD not to mention AU and UN. Meanwhile, Ethiopia which operates Somaliland's security apparatus continues an unbearably intrusive policy that systematically disillusions many of the locals and the visitors from the diaspora alike.

Then came the US' Dual-Track Policy which inadvertently unveiled the dangers ahead as it inspired over 30 (a number that's still growing) clan-based states; each with its declared president, parliament, defense and foreign minister.

Peace Gestures

Though Article 1(a) of the 1960 Act of Union clearly stated "The State of Somaliland and the State of Somalia do hereby unite and shall forever remain united in a new, independent, democratic, unitary republic the name whereof shall be the Somali Republic," neither the TFG nor TNG before attempted to enforce the "forever" part.

Furthermore, with all their shortcomings as they were by no means perfect, both the TFG and the TNG have honored Article 3(i) which states "All persons who upon the date of this Union possess the citizenship of Somaliland and Somalia respectively shall by this Union now become citizens of the Somali Republic". They both refrained from putting pressure on the secessionists by using the Somali passport as political leverage. The Somali passport is still unconditionally available and indeed used by the Somaliland secessionists and non-secessionists alike. Likewise, Somaliland is still allowed to use the 252 Gateway for its telephone connections and the .SO for the internet, all owned by Somalia the state.

Recently, the TFG unilaterally negotiated with Somaliland to share the revenues generated from usage of the Somali air space. Even so, the Ghost-lords in Nairobi (that chronically corrupt network of institutions, governmental and non-governmental agencies who operate under the auspices of the international community) still continue to slow down the process to free these revenues.

Perhaps more importantly, on June 26, 2011, President Sharif Ahmed became the first leader from the South to formally and publically acknowledge the wrongs that was done onto our brethren in North. He has affirmed their long ignored grievance and extended an apology and invited them for dialogue and reconciliation.

Then came the London Conference on Somalia held on February 23, 2012 in which, at last, the international community decided to add Article 6 which calls for Somalia and Somaliland to engage in a direct dialogue in order to achieve a holistic approach to peace.

Since then Somaliland has appointed a high level committee to start dialogue with Somalia. The latter on its part has appointed its own committee. Unfortunately, upon their nomination, Somaliland felt that the committee was not up to par and withdrew its committee. In retrospect and in fairness to Somaliland, the initial stage of the dialogue is the most crucial. Both parties must have confidence in the appointees' moral character, ability for empathic engagement, and the capacity to build confidence for the process to continue.

Within the 1st week of June 2012, after the Istanbul II Conference, President Sharif met with Somalia's traditional elders who represent all clans to take the lead by engaging their counterparts in the North to rekindle the negotiation process. Counting on their collective wisdom, he offered them a carte blanche of accepting their collective decision "We need you to take constructive role in jump-starting a dialogue between the transitional federal government (TFG) and Somaliland. We will welcome all your recommendations," he said. This looks like a wise first step.

Behind the scenes, some pragmatic political elites, traditional leaders, and intellectuals are already expressing grave concerns about the strategic clan-based threats encircling the Isaqs that could have a long-term bloody ramification. And this indeed requires a sober thinking and sound compromise.

The political landscape of that region is painted with clan sensitivities that can only be neutralized by a sense of unity…that only an effectively functioning and a just state could guarantee. The nature of that future state could and should be negotiated.

We still have the potential to rise from the ashes and become a competently functioning if not a greater, more just nation. Used wisely, we have a number of the elements that national powers are built on, strategic location, natural resources and a resilient and resourceful population. Through the latter, we can reconcile our differences, confluence our collective interests, craft our national vision, negotiate the right social contract, build the right institutions, recruit the right technocrats, and cultivate the right leadership to sustain our progress and holistically reform our society. It is entirely up to us.

Throughout history, it was men and women of vision coupled with some courage who changed the course of history. The leadership of Somaliland has the opportunity to change the course of history and spearhead a better future for all Somalis.


Abukar Arman is currently Somalia's Special Envoy to the United States.

© 2012, Abukar Arman. All rights reserved.

Ahmed Hassan Arwo

Mission Journal: Somaliland's press harassed, disappointed

Mission Journal: Somaliland's press harassed, disappointed

Written by CPJ   
Jun 14, 2012 at 06:06 PM

"I'm free but I don't feel free," said Mohamed Abdi Urad, chief editor of Yool, a critical weekly published in the semi-autonomous republic of Somaliland. Mohamed had just been released on May 22 after a week in detention at Hargeisa Central Police Station. His crime? "I have no idea," he said. Mohamed had attempted to cover a deadly skirmish between civilians and a military unit over a land dispute in the eastern part of the capital, Hargeisa. "The Interior Minister just saw me walking towards the scene and ordered his men to arrest me," he said. A few days later, police released Mohamed unconditionally and without charge.

Arbitrary arrests and other forms of intimidation have become the order of the day for Somaliland's press. Although they had hopes for greater media freedom under the leadership of President Ahmed Mohamoud Silyano, who was electedin June 2010, conditions have deteriorated under his government to the worst levels since Somaliland declared itself an independent republic in 1991, local journalists told me.

"Many journalists wore blindfolds when Silyano came to power," said BBC reporter Jamal Abdi. Most media supported Silyano's election bid, having grown tired of former President Dahir Riyale, who had delayed elections for three years and whose final years were mired in corruption, local journalists said. "We were all desperate for change," said Abdiweli Farah, chief editor of independent weekly Ogaal. "We also remember what they said during the election campaigns--that they would push to allow more independence in the media, improve freedom of expression, etc.--but things only got worse."

This year marks the heaviest crackdownthat Somaliland's fledgling independent press has experienced, according to Mohamed Rashid, secretary-general of the Somaliland Journalists Association (SOLJA). Authorities have arrested and temporarily detained nearly 60 journalists so far this year, all without charge, according to SOLJA and CPJ research.

The worst incident in terms of number occurred in January, after police arbitrarily shuttered the independent broadcaster Horn Cable TV and arrested 22 journalists shortly afterwards for protesting the closure. "We were covering the president's annual address to parliament and in the conclusion of the speech our station was somehow called 'enemies of the state. We were all surprised," said Horn Cable's owner and director, Farhan Ali Ahmed. Six hours after the president's speech, police raided Horn Cable's two offices and closed the station for two days without explanation. Some journalists in custody who protested the closure were beaten, according to SOLJA's Rashid and international news reports.

"After that incident it became evident to us that arrests can happen any time under the new ruling party. But we are still doing our regular reporting despite the risks," Farhan said.

The staff of independent weekly Ogaal work in less-than-ideal conditions. (CPJ/Tom Rhodes)
The staff of independent weekly Ogaal work in less-than-ideal conditions. (CPJ/Tom Rhodes)

Many local journalists do not blame the ruling "Kulmiye" (Peace and Unity) party as a whole but individuals within the government who target the press with impunity. "The previous government followed the constitution to a degree--they would not arrest without a warrant, for instance," Farhan said. "But this government has some uneducated members who do not think of the consequences of their actions and cannot accept criticism." Whether unknowingly or otherwise, many government officials ignore their own laws and detain critical journalists, says the director of the Somaliland Lawyers Association, Mohamed Said Hersi. "Even the governor of Hargeisa along with elders was detained for over a month without charge despite a 48-hour detention limit by Somaliland law," Mohamed said. A SOLJA investigation discovered that no courtroom in Somaliland except for those based in the capital Hargeisa even had a copy of Somaliland's 2004 media law. "Thus journalists are automatically arrested under the penal code, ignoring the press law completely," said executive SOLJA member and BBC reporter Barkhad Kaariye.

In the restive border town Las Anod, tension between separatist movements has led to further suppression of the press. In this disputed region between Somaliland and the semi-autonomous region of Puntland, residents claim different affiliations--with Somaliland, Puntland, and even a self-declared separatist state of Khatumo, according to local reports. Reporting on the succession movements can lead to imprisonment, with at least eight journalists arrested in Las Anod since April, according to CPJ research. "It is a very remote region where unfortunately the governor does whatever he wants," said Deputy Parliament Speaker Baashe M. Farah, who also comes from the disputed region.

Many local journalists concede that the governmentcrackdownon the press is partly rooted in the unprofessional practices of the media. Websites in particular, local journalists told me, are prone to professional lapses since many are launched and managed by one individual. "The media is often very new, inexperienced and unprofessional--especially in politically sensitive areas such as Las Anod andBorama," Presidential Spokesman Abdullahi Mohamed said. Journalists often report on government corruption issues with no sources to support their claims and their stories are designed to sell newspapers rather than uncover genuine malpractice, the deputy speaker added. "It's a Somali tradition." Farah said. "The public wants dirt on ministers--they will look at the headlines and if there is no dirt to be read, they won't buy the publication. So it behooves the press to act like a tabloid." Chief Editor Mohamed Abdi Jama of the critical weeklyWaheenconcedes that unprofessional standards have partly triggered the animosity between Somaliland's government and press. "But what is worse--a press that makes mistakes and does not follow best practices or a government that does not follow its own rules?" he said.

While many journalists admit a lack of professionalism is a problem, government officials also concede that they need to change their approach towards the press. "Really, all these attacks against the press is not good for any journalist and it is not good for the country," said recently appointed Information Minister Abdirahman Yusuf. "At the same time, journalists need to understand their trade--what is an insult and what is libelous and what not."

The information minister also told CPJ that the government plans to enact a long-awaited broadcast law to allow private radio broadcasters. "I already have around six or seven applicants for a radio license on my desk and have discussed the matter with the speaker," he said. In 2002, Somaliland issued a ministerial decreebanning all private radio stations, allowing only state-run Radio Hargeisa to operate. The station covers only a 40 kilometer (25 mile) range and often airs pro-government, poor quality coverage, local journalists said. "There is a reason the government allows television but not radio," Horn Cable TV owner Farhan said. "TV does not have the same reach radio stations would have--they fear a vernacular radio. We would be the first to apply if they allowed private radio stations." Ahmed Kijandhe, head of a parliamentary sub-committee that will review the bill, told CPJ the committee plans to hold a consultative meeting with the press over the broadcast bill and table it in June.

The lack of private radio stations explains why Somaliland has several newspapers and a high number of television stations compared with Somalia and Puntland. There are about 10 newspapers, three government-owned, and four TV broadcasters.

Despite the arrests and harassment against the independent press this year, some local journalists are encouraged. "The public is waking up, they want us to continue," said Mohamed Abdi Jama. "These days the public asks us to write stories to push the government. At Gebbele River, for instance, citizens wanted sand placed on the road to stop flooding. So citizens called us up and asked us to write something to get a government reaction." And while private radio stations are still not allowed, a plethora of news websites has emerged, despite low Internet penetration rates. "I am convinced websites will make the biggest change to Somaliland society," said Information Minister Yusuf.

Ahmed Hassan Arwo