AS POLITICAL TENSIONS RISE IN SENEGAL, BAN URGES ALL SIDES TO REFRAIN FROM VIOLENCE

AS POLITICAL TENSIONS RISE IN SENEGAL, BAN URGES ALL SIDES TO REFRAIN FROM VIOLENCE

Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon expressed concern today about mounting political tensions in Senegal, where voters go to the polls in less than a month to elect a president.

Media reports indicate that two people were shot dead during protests yesterday over the decision of incumbent President Abdoulaye Wade to seek a third term as leader of the West African nation. Further demonstrations have been planned and the election is slated to take place on 26 February.

In a <"http://www.un.org/sg/statements/index.asp?nid=5832">statement issued by his spokesperson, Mr. Ban "urges all political parties and national stakeholders to refrain from violence in the pursuit of their objectives and to pursue peaceful means to resolve all electoral grievances."

The UN chief called on all concerned people and groups to ensure the "enabling conditions for transparent, credible and peaceful elections that reflect the legitimate concerns and aspirations of the people of Senegal."

He also underlined the need for Senegalese authorities to act in a way that preserves and consolidates the country's democratic traditions, which he noted "have laid the foundations for its long history of stability and social cohesion."

KENYA: UN SCALES UP REFUGEE TRAINING TO IMPROVE ASSISTANCE IN CAMPS

KENYA: UN SCALES UP REFUGEE TRAINING TO IMPROVE ASSISTANCE IN CAMPS

The United Nations refugee agency today announced new strategies to ensure uninterrupted assistance and services in its largest complex in Kenya, including training and mentoring of refugees as well as involving them in the day-to-day running of the Dadaab camps.

"Refugees have always had a role in making camps work. However, at Dadaab that role is being expanded," said Andrej Mahecic, spokesperson for the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), during a press briefing in Geneva. "Hospitals, for example, have remained open throughout this difficult period, staffed by refugees, nationals, and a limited number of international staff," he said.

Part of the new strategy includes reaching out to different groups within the refugee population such as elders, the business community and youth so they can contribute in distinct ways. Mr. Mahecic stressed that refugee leaders and refugees working for partner agencies are being trained to identify individuals who require urgent attention so they can get life-saving assistance immediately.

"In situations when international or national staff cannot get to camps the health posts are managed by refugee staff who have been trained over the years to provide basic medical services and refer more serious cases to the camp hospitals," Mr. Mahecic said. "Refugee staff are also getting refresher courses on management of sensitive cases of sexual or gender-based violence," he added.

<"http://www.unhcr.org/4f22a26c6.html">According to UNHCR, since the beginning of this year, over 150 vulnerable people and families have been identified by the agency and its partners, and brought to the agency's offices in Dadaab where they have received medical and psychological help.

Refugees are also helping to improve the camps' conditions by building new latrines on sandy and rocky ground, and by collecting and transporting solid waste by donkey carts to allocated waste disposal sites.

In addition, UNHCR is also engaging with young refugees to enhance their skills and work experience. "More than 30 camp schools remain open and are run by refugee teachers. Despite insecurity, the Kenyan National Exams took place in the camps at the end of last year and the results were an improvement in the average score in comparison to last year. The exams were made possible because the community patrolled the schools and guarded the gates," Mr. Mahecic said.

He stressed that UNHCR will continue to identify specific groups for outreach such as business and religious leaders, and would also strengthen awareness through radio and other means such as free mobile texting.

The Dadaab refugee complex shelters more than 460,000 refugees. A third of this refugee population arrived in 2011 alone, fleeing the conflict, drought, famine and human rights abuses in Somalia. The camps in Dadaab opened two decades ago and were originally designed to host some 90,000 refugees.

YAA KA SHAKISAN QANANNIMADA IYO JIRITAANKA SOOMALILAND..

YAA KA SHAKISAN QANANNIMADA IYO JIRITAANKA SOOMALILAND..!

Axmed Xasan Carwo

La-taliyaha Madaxweynaha ee Dhaqaalaha

Waxa Soomaliland jirtay 22 sano oo nabad ah iyo 10 sano oo halgan ah iyo 76 Sano oo isticmaar ah. Waxa midnimo niyad sano oo lagu doonaayo mideynta shanta Soomaaliyeed ay ku jirtay 21 Sano ( !960-1981). Taasi waxay marag u tahay in muddada ay Soomaaliya wax wadaageen ahayd muddo aad u yar kolka aad u eegto inta ay goonida u jirtay. Muddadaas dheer ee ay goonida ka ahayd Soomaliya, waxa unkumay beelaha Soomaliland oo is-dhexgalay oo abuuray degaano beelahu isku dhafan yihiin, waxayna yeesheen dabci, dhaqan, iyo hiddo ay wadaagaan ooy Soomalida inta kale kaga duwan yihiin. Waxa abuurmay hab iyo dhawaaq hadalka iyo ereyo u gooni ah, hab-guurka iyo dhismaha qoyska oo mideysan, iyo nidaamka maamulka oo ah mid ku salaysan habka dawladda UK. Intaasi waxay u yeeshay astaan iyo aragti u gooni ah oo reer Soomaliland mideysa.  Waxaana ka markhaati ah hadalka laf-jabka ah ee mataaneentii Soomaliya lagala kulmay iyadoo dadka reer Soomaliland min Ceelaayo iyo Lowyacaddu reer Soomaliya ay ugu yeedhaan "Soomali Qaldaan"..yacnii dadka iyaga ka duwan uun dhe.

Soomaliland oo beelaha dega dhammaantood ay si xor ah ugu shireen magaalada Burco, islana qaateen inay midnimadii ay Soomaliya sida xorta ah ula galeen oo dhib, hadardaamo ay weheliso cadaalad darro iyo horumar laáan ay ka baxeen ayna yihiin dal madaxbanaan oo qaran gooni u taagan ah, ikhtiyaarkoodna ay ku gaadheen dhismaha qaran dimuquraadi ah oo dunida ka tirsan. Waxa dhidibka loo aasay Jamhuuriyadda Soomaliland 18 May 1991 iyo kheyriyadda Burco.Waxa xigay dastuur loo codeeyey haa 97%, doorashooyinka degaanka, kan wakiilada iyo ka madaxtooyada. Waxa soo maray laba Madaxweyne oo beelahu doorteen si dadban iyo laba si dimuquraadi ah codka muwaadiniintu ku doorteen.

Waxa ayaamahan la hadal hayaa shirka dawladda UK ay u qabanayso Soomaalida. Waxa xog-waranka dawladda UK ay baahisay ka mid ah dadka lagu casuumay Dawlad KMG, Ahlu sunna, Puntland, Gal Mudug iyo Soomaliland. Haddaba iyadoo xukuumadda Soomaliland cadaysay inay ka-qaybgalka ay kala tashan doonto axsaabta qaranka, wakiilada  iyo waxgaradka Soomaliland, ayaa halkii rayi dhiibasho iyo taageero loo fidin lahaa xukuumadda xiligan loo baahan yahay midnimada iyo wadajirka ayaa waxa muuqata in dad danta gaarka ah ka hormariya tan guud oo indhehoodu arkaan waxa ay doonaan dhegahooduna maqlaan waxa ay doonaan, ayaa ula kala baxay fidinta dacaayado aan meesha oolin oo kas gaabka iyo maatada lagu beeraayo shaki iyo cabsi aan meesheed oolin.

Waa ayo cidda qarannimada dalka hooyo burburinaysaa, ma cidda soo halgantay ee labataneeyo sano u samirtay ee manta hoggaanka ku guulaysatay, ee sharaf, magac iyo maamuus maqaamkii ugu sareeyey ku gaadhay ayaa laga dardaar warinayaa..Waa fikir lunsan oo u baahan in qashinka lagu rido. Inta been abuurka lagu jiro miyeyna ka fiicnayn inaynu eegno oon ku taageerno la-tashiga xukuumaddu ku dhawaaqday. Weli ma jirto go'aan shirka laga gaadhay. Waxaana habboon inaynu isla eegno sifaha iyo shuruudaha aynu ku tegi karno, amba ku diidi karno..labaduba wey inoo furan yihiin. Haddaan diidno, iyo haddaan tegno midna ma keeni kato burburka Soomaliland oo waa dal hano qaaday oo dadkiisu yihiin ilaalayaaha jiritaankeeda, ayna diyaar u yihiin badbaadintiisaa cid kasta oo gar darro ula timaada. Taas ninka ka cabsi qaba iyo kan ka shakisani waa nin cidla ka didey, ayna ka tahay fulaynimo amba nin isagu muraad kale leh.

Waxa manta aan helay su'aal lagu weydiiyey guriga guurtida ee UK ( House of Lords) mudane ah Wasiiro Dawlaha arrimaha Debedda ee UK Lord Howell oo ka jawaabaaya su'aal ay weydiisay Lord Luce..waa kan iyagoo aan sideeda idiinku soo naqiley oo af Ingiriis ah deedna aan turjumaada idiinku xigsiiyey:

Lord Luce (Crossbench)

To ask Her Majesty's Government, further to the Written Answer byLord Howell of Guildford on 21 December 2011 (WA 391-2), who has been invited to the London conference on Somalia on 23 February; and whether they have invited the president of Somaliland.

Lord Howell of Guildford (Minister of State, Foreign and Commonwealth Office; Conservative)

As we noted previously, we have invited Governments and multilateral organisations that are active and influential on Somalia, as well as representatives from Somalia.

We are pleased to say that we have secured very senior attendance from representatives from the region (for example Ethiopia, Kenya, Uganda) and the international community (for example Turkey, Qatar, Nigeria, Sweden, and the European Union) alongside a host of Somali representatives; as well as theAfrican Union and United Nations Secretary-General.

We have invited Somaliland to attend the London conference on Somalia. We are following up the invitation with discussions with the Somaliland authorities, working to find a basis for their attendance that is acceptable to them and to us. We very much hope that President Silanyo will attend: Somaliland has much useful experience to share of creating relative stability in the region.

Lord Luce waxay weydiisay Wasiirka cidda lagu casuumay shirka iyo in Madaxweynaha Soomaliland lagu casuumay…

Waxuu ku jawaabay Lord Howell: "Sidaan hore u sheegnay waxaanu casuumnay xukuumadaha iyo ururada caalamiga ah ee ay khusayso arrimaha Soomalidu iyo wakiilo ka socda Somaliya. Waxaanu ku faraxnay inaanu helno inay ka soo qayb galayaan dad muhiim ah ee mandaqadda( Matalan  Ethiopia, Kenya, Uganda) iyo mujtamaca adduunweynaha (sida Turkey, Qatar, Nigeria, Sweden, and the European Union) iyo cid ka socota. oo matasha Soomaalida iyo African Union and United Nations Secretary-General

Waanu casuumnay Somalialnd inay shirka timaado Shirweynaha London ee Somaliya. Waanu dabasoconaa oo waxaa noo socda wadohadal sidii loo heli lahaa hab iyo wax keeni kara inay ka soo qayb galaan oo u cuntama iyaga iyo anaga. Waxaan  rajeynayaa inuu Madaxweyne Siilaanyo yimaado: Soomaliland waxay leedahay khibrad faaíido badan oo ay u soo tebin karto lana qaybsan karto deganaansha gobalka."

Haddaba waxa manta loo baahan yahay ma aha in qof waliba sida uu doono uu u arko oo siyaasad madhalays ah iyo aragti gaaban wax lagu eego. Waa  in la darsaa oo la helaa wadatashi loo dhan yahay oo qaraar cad laga gaadho deedna bulshada si wada jir ah loo wacyi galiyaa, lagana daayaa shaki abuurka iyo fidnada laga abuuraayo meel ayna ku juirin.

Waxaad ogaataan marxaladda dalku marayo dhinaca gobalada bari iyo ololaha kala qaybinta ee ay wadaan dawlad xafadeedka Xamar. Waxa inala gudboon inaynu is barbar taagno xukuumadda aynu sida dimuquraadiga ah ku dooranay, taas mecnaheedu ma aha indho-la'aan in lagu raaco. Waa in nidaamka la ilaashaa oo la-xisaabtanka dhaleeceyntu ahaadeen qaar xadkooda haysta iyo inaan loo faaídeyn cadowga.

Wakiiladu ha gutaan waajibkooda oo ha ka baxaan xilkas la'anta ka muuqata iyagoo laba maalmood fadhigu u buuxsami waayey.

Warbaahintuna ha noqdaan kuwa muujiya dareenka dhabta ah ee dadweynha ee aan noqon qaar si dadban ugu adeega cadowga. 

Tvga qaranka waxa saran xil weyn oo ah inuu kor u qaado midnimada iyo wadajirka ummadda, iyo inuu yeesho birtilmaameed wacyigelin iyo faaqidaad amuuraha khuseeya qaranka iyagoo makarafoonka si xor ah looga soo qaybgeliyo xusbiyada mucaaridka ah, aqoonyahannada iyo qurbajooga dalka. Waa kaalin gaabis ah ee marxaladdan ha laga faa'ideysto.

Qadyadda qarannimdu ma laha mucaarid iyo muxaafid waa mid muwaadin kasta waajib ay ku tahay difaaceeda iyo ilaalinteeda. Qaranka cidina marti kuma aha, cidna marti loogama aha. Soomaliland waxa leh reer Soomaliland oo dhan oo si siman u leh xuquuq iyo waajibaad saran.Min Ceelaayo ilaa Lowyacaddu min Buuhoodle ilaa Berbrera waa dal iyo dad mideysan, una baahan inay helaan qorshe iyo siyaasad lagu hawl galo oo khilaafkooda si nabad ah u suuliya. Waa waajib ina wada saran si gaar ahna u saran mas'uuliinta siyaasadeed mid hoggaanka haya iyo mid sugaayaba.  

Waxa iyana habboon in inta xukuumadda ka tirsan ee xilka haysaa ahadaan duul ilaaliya midnimadooda oo doodaha ay ka yeeshaan hawl-qabadka xukuumadda ayna noqon mid ay ku muujiyaan warbaahinta, Ma jirto xukuumad aan dhexdeeda afkarta ku kala qaybsanayni, waxa se sharcigu yahay in afkaarta lagu qaybsamo ee lagu doodo ay gun yeelato, taas oo ah go'aanka leysla gaadho in dhammaan la wado daafaco, oo ninkii fikirkiisa Golaha lagaga xoog bataa ilaaliyo ga'aanka Golaha oo ay waajib ku tahay inuu daafaco. Waa sida keliya ee xukuumad dimuquraadi ahi ku shaqayn karto.Waa in wadajir xukuumaddu u daafacdaa go'aamada ka soo baxa. Waa in sirta Golaha la ilaaliyaa oon suuqyada la gelin.Cidda nidaamkan aasaasiga ah aan dhowreyni waa in wax laga qabtaa oo la joojiya nabarka boogtiisu fideyso.

Aqoonyahanka waxa habboon inay fikir wax ool ah u gudbiyaan xukuumadda ooy noqdaan dar ku soo biiriya afkaar horumar siyaasadeed, bulsho, dhaqaale iyo ganacsigba dhali kara. Waxaan halkan idinku balan qaadayaa inaan gacanta ka geliyo Madaxweynaha waxii talo ah ee waxtar u leh dalkeena, iyo waxii tabasho iyo dhaliil ah ee si asluub ah oo dhammays ah loo soo bandhigo. Mid run iyo marag leh

. Dalkeena waxa yaal dhibaatooyin badan ooy barbar socoto faa'idooyin iyo kheyraad aan la taaban, fursado dhaqaale iyo baahi is huwan. Waxa aynu kaga bixi karnaa inagoo waqtiga ku qaadana inaynu ku fakirno danta guud iyo horumarinta dalka, inaynu ilaalino dakhliga yar ee inoo soo hoyda, si gaar ah waa waajib saran xukuumadda iyo shaqaalaheedu inay noqdaan qaar ilaaliya khrashka, oo kol walba ka fakira baahida dalka taal iyo itaal yarida cidda lacagta laga soo xareeyey.

Maanta waa maalintii Midnimda, waa maalintii Wadajirka, waa ayaantii Gacmaha leys-qabsan jiray, waa dharaartii cududa Mucaaridka iyo Muxaafidku mataanoobi jireen, waa ayaantii waxgarad, waayeel, dhalin iyo dumar danta guud la dhowri jiray. Waa dharaar qarannimada la qadarinaayo ee muwaadin gudo waajibkaaga.

Tan iyo maqaal kale, ammaano Alla.

Mahad oo dhan Alle ayaa leh,

Ahmed Hassan Arwo

La-taliyaha Madaxweynaha ee arrimaha

Dhaqaalaha, Ganacsiga iyo Maalgashiga

samotalis@gmial .com

RETURN OF UN POLITICAL PRESENCE TO MOGADISHU ‘HISTORIC’ STEP, SAYS ENVOY

RETURN OF UN POLITICAL PRESENCE TO MOGADISHU 'HISTORIC' STEP, SAYS ENVOY

The re-establishment of the United Nations political presence in Mogadishu will allow the world body to work more closely with Somalia during a crucial period in its peace process, the UN envoy to the country said today.

On Tuesday Augustine P. Mahiga, the Secretary-General's Special Representative, moved to the capital of the Horn of Africa nation from Nairobi along with a number of his core staff from the UN Political Office for Somalia (UNPOS).

The move comes one and half months after Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon announced during his visit to Mogadishu that the UN office will relocate to the city to provide further assistance at what he called a "critical juncture" for the future of the Somali people.

"This is a historic step," Mr. Mahiga wrote in a letter to the Somali people today. "It is now up to us to make up for lost time."

The last Special Representative of the Secretary-General to be based in Mogadishu was James Victor Gbeho, who worked with the now defunct UN Operations in Somalia II (UNOSOM II), and left in early 1995. UNPOS was established shortly afterwards and has since been based in the Kenyan capital, Nairobi.

"Being on the ground will allow us to be closer to all the stakeholders – the Transitional Federal Institutions and other administrations, civil society, NGOs [non-governmental organizations], business people, journalists and ordinary Somalis," stated Mr. Mahiga.

"Daily interaction will help us understand each other and to work together in a more imaginative and constructive manner at this crucial period in the peace process."

He cited the need to move ahead with the roadmap that was agreed in September and which spells out priority measures to be implemented before the current transitional governing arrangements end next August, in the areas of security, the drafting of a new constitution and reconciliation.

"We also are faced with a parliamentary crisis and a continuing terrorist threat from insurgents," Mr. Mahiga noted. "There is a lot of ground to be covered in the next seven months."

He stressed that finalizing the draft constitution before the May deadline must be a top priority, and also underlined the need to resolve the ongoing impasse within the Parliament.

SOMALIA: UN ENVOY RE-ESTABLISHES OFFICE IN MOGADISHU AFTER 17-YEAR HIATUS

SOMALIA: UN ENVOY RE-ESTABLISHES OFFICE IN MOGADISHU AFTER 17-YEAR HIATUS
New York, Jan 24 2012  2:10PM
The United Nations envoy for Somalia, Augustine P. Mahiga, today formally moved his office back to the country's capital, Mogadishu, from neighbouring Kenya, where it has been based for 17 years.

Mr. Mahiga, who was received at the airport in Mogadishu by Somalia's Prime Minister, Abdiweli Mohamed Ali, other officials and diplomats, said he was delighted that the UN Political Office for Somalia (UNPOS) will now carry out its work from Mogadishu.

"I sincerely hope that the arrival of the UN Political Office will mark the start of renewed hope for the future of Somalia," <"http://unpos.unmissions.org/Default.aspx?tabid=9705&ctl=Details&mid=12667&ItemID=11574&language=en-US">said Mr. Mahiga.

"Being in Mogadishu will allow us to work far more closely with the Transitional Federal Institutions, the UN agencies and NGOs [non-governmental organizations] already based here, civil society and ordinary Somalis. We have much to do and we are eager to get straight to work," he said.

The last Special Representative of the Secretary-General to be based in Mogadishu was James Victor Gbeho, who worked with the now defunct UN Operations in Somalia II (UNOSOM II), and left in early 1995.

UNPOS was established shortly afterwards and has since been based in Nairobi, the Kenyan capital. Six UN agencies have permanent staff in Mogadishu.

After a ceremony to raise the UN flag at the UNPOS office, Mr. Mahiga proceeded to Villa Somalia where he was welcomed by President Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed and presented his credentials.

He then went to the headquarters of the African Union peacekeeping mission in Somalia (AMISOM) where he inspected a guard of honour and paid tribute to the remarkable sacrifice of peacekeepers and the Somali security forces in advancing the cause of peace.

"Without the incredible efforts and sacrifice of the troops from Somalia and other African countries, we would not be here today," said Mr. Mahiga.

He gave his pledge to the Somali people that the UNPOS relocation to Mogadishu would herald the beginning of a new era of cooperation and political engagement as the current political transitional period comes to an end later this year.

Shir ka dhacay London Oo Waxbarashada Iyo Shaqada Lagaga Hadley

Shir ka dhacay London Oo Waxbarashada Iyo Shaqada Lagaga Hadley

Waxaa magalada London ka dhacay taarikhdu markey ahayd 22nd  Jan 2012, shir ay soo aababushay Hayad Cusub oo la yidhaahdo, Centre for Education and Employment Research (CEER). Wax shirkan  lagaga hadlayey waxbarashada iyo shaqada Somaliland. Waxaa shirkaas ka soo qeyb galay aqoonyahano badan oo ka shaqeeya arimaha waxbarashada, shaqada iyo arimaha bulshada oo degen magalada London.
Waxaa shirkaas  ugu horeyn soo dhaweyey aqoonyahanadan  Dr Osman Warsame isagoo dhawaan ka soo noqdey Somaliland. Waxa uu Dr Osman ka waramey arimaha Waxbarashada iyo Shaqaaleynta bulshada Somaliland. Waxaa uu Dr Osman Carabka ku adkeyey in loo bahanyahay aqoonta iyo cilimiga bulsha weynta ku dhaqan Qurbaha. Isagoo faahfaahin dheeraad ah ka bixiyey  sidii loo heli lahaa horumarinta bulshada iyadoo loo bahan yahay in la kabo waxbarashada aasaasiga ah loona dejiyo strategy lagu abuurayo waxbarasho dhasha habki loo heli lahaa human resource dalka u adeega sidoo kalena la helo habki ay Somaliland ku gaadhi lahayd wax soosaar sida Industralisation oo u bahan aqoonta cilmiga Science ka iyo technologyga.
Waxaa shirkaas kala qeby galay bulshada  reer Somaliland, Agaasimaah tacliinta sare ee wasarada Waxbarashad Mudane Khadar Ahmed Dirir.  Mudane Khadar ayaa ka waramay halkey ay waxbarashada Somaliland mareyso iyo sida ay dawlada cusub ee KULMIYE ay rajeyneyso iney wax uga qabato arimaha waxbarasahada. Waxaa uu khaddar intaa ku daray in qorshe 5 sano ah ay wasarada waxbarashada iyo qorshaynta ay dejiyeen iyagoo leh yool 5 sano ah taas oo wax lagaga qabanayo;
Sidii loo kobcin lahaa waxbarasahda aasaasiga ah
Sidii curriculumka dalka dib loogu eegi lahaa
Sidii tayada macalimiinta kor loogu qaadi lahaa
Sidii xaga tayada guud ee waxbarashada loo adkeyn lahaa
Waxaa halkaa lagu weydiyey su'aalo fara badan iyadoo su'alahi ay u badnayeen side bey reer Somaliland ka ku dhaqan qurbaha ay ka qeyb qaadan lahaayeen sidii wasarada wax loola qaban lahaa.
Ugu danbeyn waxaa shirkaa ka Hadley Eng Mustafe Ibrahim sidii dhaqlaha dalka loo kobcinlahaa iyo faa;idada ay leedahay in la helo commercial Banka dadka u usuuro geliya in ay samayaan dhaqaale abuur, horseeda shaqaaleynta dhalinyarada.
Ugu danbeyn waxaa halkaa uu ururku ku doortey gudidii sanadka hoogamin lahayd arimaha hawleed ee CEER. 
Chairperson – Warda Dirir
Vice-chair – Abdilahi Abdilahi
General Secretary -  Nadra Muse 
Treasurer – Fardus Ali
Secretary for membership and recruitment – Salma  Hassan
Secretary for  Quality Assurance - Fatima Ahmed
Member for Public relations – Mustafa Ibrahim
Iyadoo Dr Osman Warsame  uu yahay Agaasimaha (Director) CEER  oo dhanka hawl maalmeedka u qaabilsan Somaliland iyo Qurbaha.
Waxa ay gudidu ku dheeraadeen sidii loo horumarin lahaa waxbarasha iyo shaqaleynta dhalinyarada reer Somaliland iyadoo  lala kaashanayo dhamaan bulshada Somaliland ee ku dhaqan qurbaha. Waxa uu gudoomiyaha cusubi Marwo Warda Dirir ka codsanaaya soona dhaweynayaan in cidii leh khibrad iyo aqoon arimaha bulshada ay ku soo biraan dhalinyarada isu xilqaantey wax ka qabashada arimaha Somaliland. 
La xidhiidh: ihwarsama@gmail.com amawarda.dirir@gmail.com hadii aad doneysid in aad  nagala qeybqaadatid horumarinta Somaliland.

TALEEX Conspiracy: Latest Attempt to Derail Peace & Stability in Somaliland

TALEEX Conspiracy: Latest Attempt to Derail Peace & Stability in Somaliland

The organizers of defraud Taleex Meeting assured to Somaliland authorities that the meeting will address tribal issues of Dhulbahante of eastern Somaliland, and no politics will be discussed. However, the meeting turned into political where the dishonest organizers declared government within Somaliland eastern territory. 

Somaliland authorities did not interfere the meeting until its hidden hanky-panky agenda came to light, and they voted for creating new state out the eastern parts of Somaliland. Somaliland ordered its army to move into Buuhoodle Town, where the organizers planned to nominate as the capital of the new administration. The town was brought under the control of the army in hours, and later the army withdrew in order to avoid civilian casualties.
The organizers sponsored gorilla armed group called SSC fighting Somaliland at its eastern parts. The organizers financed the group to fight and destabilize Somaliland and the region but they failed to stop the army. Somaliland government don't interfere the tribal meetings as long as it doesn't discuss politics.
The creation of new state "KHAATUMO" out of Somaliland eastern regions could have undermine the stability and peace of the region in last two decades if the army did not stop. The SSC armed group attacked Somaliland army with artillery shelling, which created panic between the residents of Buuhoodle Town who abandoned their homes to more secure places, in a fear of stronger army retaliation.
The hijacked TALEEX Meeting concluded the creation of new regional authority named "KHAATUMO State of Somalia". All members of G6 group who organized the TALEEX Meeting are America and Europe. They want to gain political power at the expenses of the local people.
The gangsters who organized the meeting planned to disturb the security, stability and democracy in Somaliland. The self-styled gangsters agreed upon creation of regional state and against the will of the people in eastern regions of Somaliland. The gangsters, who are after political interest, claimed ownership of three regions in Somaliland (Sool, Sanaag and Buuhoodle), although, they make about 12% of Somaliland's total population. They misbelieve that one tribe owns the abovementioned three regions.
The gangsters are swindling the reality in Somaliland's eastern regions, in order to be become a regional authority according to the regulations of the federal government of "Somalia" in Mogadishu. They are destabilizing, displacing and killing their own towns for gaining recognition from the shaky transitional government of "Somalia", as a regional authority. They failed to understand that the people of these three regions particularly Buuhoodle Region need development but absolutely not a war.

The organizing gangsters of the hijacked Taleex Meeting have their families in North America and Europe. They come to Somaliland to create instability for illegal political gains, and their children are enjoying western education system, and world-class health at the expenses of the children in Buuhoodle Town who are dying from the political instability created by the gangsters.
The government of Somaliland has development projects for Buuhoodle Town as per Somaliland's National Budget 2012, including new schools, health centers and proper infrastructure. The development started in Laasaanood city, and Buuhoodle will not be much different.

The policy of creating government out of eastern regions of Somaliland will lead further bloodshed between the different tribes in the regions, who mainly support Somaliland. The gangsters believe use of force against others, who disobey their instructions, and Somaliland government will not allow parts of its territory to be used by gangsters and terrorists. The international community is trying to get long-lasting solution for the problem of former "Somalia" while the gangsters of TALEEX Meeting are creating chaos in one of the most peaceful regions in Africa.
The interesting point is: TALEEX gangsters claim Sool, Sanaag and Buuhoodle regions based on ethnicity (tribalism) and wrongly believe that the three regions belong to Dhulbahante tribe. However, if that is the case, why the gangsters don't demand parts of Ethiopia that is inhabited by Dhulbahante tribe! Or do the theory is applicable to Somaliland only?!
It is absolutely clear that majority of the gangsters are former colleagues of dead dictator Siyad Barre according to their bio-data. In 1990's, the gangsters convinced the former UN General Secretary Boutros Ghali to send UN Troops into "Somalia" and troops must capture Somaliland territory – although Somaliland was peaceful. But UN troops could not handle the heat of the brave General Mohamed Farah Aideed.
Moreover, the gangsters influenced transitional governments of "Somalia" in last 21years to stonewall Somaliland cause of independence, and they succeeded because every official in transitional government of "Somalia" rejects Somaliland's right of self-determination, even, without understanding the purpose and reason behind the cause.
Somaliland demography is based on the colonial border that was endorsed by the Organization of African Union (OAU) currently known African Union (AU) in 1964. These three regions are within Somaliland's colonial border that was part of OAU's endorsement.
As part of their hatred, the gangsters joined hands with parts of former "Somalia" to form the illegitimate semi-autonomous region of "Puntland", which hosts the world's modern pirates of today. They claimed aforesaid three regions of Somaliland, in order to undermine Somaliland's cause of sovereignty.
Somaliland development and democracy won international attention, which overshadowed the silly accusations and propagandas of the gangsters against Somaliland. After the gangsters failed to downgrade Somaliland democracy and progress, they formed armed militia to disturb the stability and security in Somaliland. However, Somaliland National Army crushed the militia and brought the evil agendas of the gangsters to the end…
The gangsters formed fake organizations Pen Names mainly in North America and Europe to campaign against Somaliland cause. They write thousands of articles to downgrade Somaliland.
Today the gangsters failed to unite over the outcome of the TALEEX Meeting, and the fugitive head of the SSC armed group Xagle Toosiye(Somali-American) rejected to accept the outcome. Toosiye is wanted across criminal for his involvement in armed attacks and suicide bombing in Somaliland. After TALEEX Meeting concluded against his interest, Toosiye rejected the outcome and called for peace with Somaliland.
Although Toosiye failed to accept the peace initiative by Somaliland President Siilaanyo one year ago, however, Somaliland will not turn down his peace application.

After collapse of former "Somalia", all Somaliland tribes met in Burao City in 1991 and signed the independence of Somaliland from rest of "Somalia". Again the initial agreement in Burao City was endorsed again in Boorame Accord. The boss of G6 Khalif Galaydh was elected as Somaliland Parliament Speaker, as he primarily believed in the independence of Somaliland. After Galaydh failed to achieve his political ambitions through Somaliland multiparty system, he decided to use force by SSC terrorist group. He is using TALEEX Meeting and so-called KHAATUMO as tool that will win him a seat in the upcoming London Somali Reconciliation Meeting.
Galaydh miscalculated Sool. Sanaag and Buuhoodle demography. He must know that more than 9 tribes own these regions and not only Dhulbahante. Galaydh and his henchmen in TALEEX Meeting attacked Somaliland through SSC, which led recent fighting in Buuhoodle Town after military posts were targeted with artillery shelling. The regional governments like Ethiopia must cooperate with Somaliland to flush out SSC terrorist who are destabilizing the region.
The main financial source for SSC group is piracy and drugs smuggling in addition to contributions from its Northern America and Europe. The illegal war of SSC group in the eastern regions of Somaliland disabled the planned development projects by Somaliland.
The existence of SSC in the border between Somaliland and "Somalia" will have negative impact on future cooperation between Somali people.

By\ Abdulaziz Al-Mutairi
Email: az.almutairi@yahoo.com

Somaliland and the London Conference on Somalia

Somaliland and the London Conference on Somalia

By Ahmed M. I. Egal

OPINION | 

The upcoming London Conference on Somalia, and the UK's urging of the Somaliland Government to attend, has understandably generated a lot of debate and comment within the Somaliland community, both within and outside the country. One of the stated objectives of the conference, according to Matt Baugh, Senior Representative for Somalia, is to "…reinforce the relative stability in areas of Somalia, such as Somaliland and Puntland and in the south…" This statement has, again understandably, aroused the ire of the people of Somaliland since they recovered their sovereignty from the erstwhile Republic of Somalia in 1991, and have steadfastly maintained their distance from the anarchy, state collapse and war that have engulfed Somalia ever since, despite repeated attempts (often involving violence, e.g. Al-Shabaab's attacks in Hargeisa and upon expatriates in Somaliland) to drag them into this unending maelstrom.

Somaliland and its people expected more from their former colonial protector, and it is either a reflection of the insensitivity of the current Foreign & Colonial Office to the aspirations of the people of Somaliland, or simply of their lack of knowledge of the politics of the Horn of Africa, that they refer to Somaliland as a region of Somalia, as Puntland is. The interpretation that many hard line, anti-Somaliland politicians within Somalia have given this British insensitivity or ignorance, is that the British have coerced the Somaliland Government to attend the conference as a regional authority, just like Puntland, Galmudug etc. Whatever the explanation for this impolitic language and it is likely to be a combination of all three outlined herein, the fact is that the British Government has put the Silanyo administration in a very difficult spot indeed. If they attend the conference, as they have stated they will, then they will reap the wrath of the vast majority of their people; if they don't, and they may yet be forced to a volte face, then they will look weak and will reap the wrath of Albion through curtailment of aid and a downgrade of bilateral ties.

Leaving aside the issue of Somaliland's attendance for the moment, it is instructive to consider what this latest conference on Somalia is meant to achieve and the likelihood of it achieving its stated objectives, which have been set out as follows:

• Security: sustainable funding for the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM), and support for Somali security and justice sectors
• Political Process: agreement to what should succeed the transitional institutions in Mogadishu in August 2012 and the establishment of a Joint Financial Management Board
• Local Stability: a coordinated international package of support to Somalia's regions
• Counter-terrorism: renewed commitment to tackle collectively the terrorist threat emanating from Somalia
• Piracy: breaking the piracy business model
• Humanitarian: renewed commitment to tackling Somalia's humanitarian crisis
• International coordination: agreement on improved international handling of Somalia issues

This is quite a challenge and it is clear that no single conference can be expected to achieve these gargantuan goals, so we must question what the British Government actually hopes to achieve at this conference. According to Chris Allen, UK Deputy Ambassador to Ethiopia, more than 40 senior government officials and multilateral organizations, including French President Nicolas Sarkozy, Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, are expected to attend the conference. Clearly, Prime Minister David Cameron and Foreign Secretary William Hague have invested considerable political capital and much personal credibility in this conference.

The fact is that there have been some 17 or 18 conferences (depending upon one's criteria on what constitutes a conference) held to effect reconciliation and establish a credible, effective government for Somalia since 1991, including the latest one earlier this month in Garowe. All of these conferences can be said to have failed miserably since Somalia remains the very definition of a failed state with no central state authority in control of the country. Yet, the British Government has raised expectations internationally and within East Africa by hosting this conference and prevailing upon heads of state and government, the foreign donor community and the current Somali leadership, such as it is, to attend. On the face of it, given the near debacle of abject failure at the recent Garowe conference, which was only avoided by the UN acceding to the opposing demands of the two camps into which the participants divided regarding the basis upon which a future government of Somalia would be formed, the prospects for success seem rather dim.

So what do the British have up their sleeve, as it were, that leads them to believe that this conference will bear the sweet fruit of success where all the others have failed? Firstly, they have been dangling the enticing carrot of increased international aid for 'peaceful' regions, which has resulted in a sudden proliferation of regional states announced by aspirant Diaspora would-be 'leaders' seeking their fleeting fifteen minutes of fame (or perhaps infamy might be a more apt term) on the world stage, or in this case, the London stage and a briefcase of money – courtesy of the foreign donors. This opportunistic gold rush of regional statehood has even infected the peaceful parts of the erstwhile Somali Republic, i.e. Somaliland and Puntland, with the recent moves to legitimise the dangerous, Diaspora-driven, political mischief-making disguised as Awdal State and Khaatumo 2. Thus, while the direct responsibility for the recent deaths of security personnel and civilians in Buhoodle in Somaliland can be laid at the door of the naked ambition and greed of the Somali Diaspora carpetbaggers seeking a place at the London conference, the British Government must accept its indirect, if unintentional, culpability. To quote a much misused political axiom of our times, actions have consequences.

Secondly, with the support of the US and UN Security Council (UNSC), the British hope to revisit the agreement reached at Garowe wherein all things were promised to all parties. At Garowe, a further interim period of four years was agreed, during which Somalia would be 'governed' by a new interim government formed on the basis of the 4.5 clan model upon which the present TFG was formed. Thereafter, in 2016, a permanent government for Somalia will be formed based upon regional representation and not the 4.5 clan structure. The foreign donor community had intended that the Garowe conference would form the permanent government that has been pushed back four years, although any rational observer with knowledge of Somali history and politics, particularly during the period since the collapse of the Siyad Barre dictatorship, would have seen the chasm between these intentions and the hard reality on the ground. What, in effect, the foreign donors were attempting to effect was to construct the edifice of a permanent government upon quicksand, since the basis upon which a new Somali state was to be formed had not even been addressed.

The London Conference seeks to revisit the political agreement on the formation of a permanent government for Somalia, because the issue was ducked at Garowe, and the prospect of another four years of anarchy and political stasis under yet another interim government is unpalatable to the foreign donors. However, since the core issues underlying the collapse of the Somali state have not been addressed and are not tabled to be addressed at the conference, it is destined to fail. These issues revolve around the rationale for the existence of the state itself, i.e. what is the underlying basis for political consent in Somalia? The rationale for the creation of the erstwhile Republic was the irredentist dream of Greater Somalia, and this dream has been consigned to the dustbin of history for a whole host of reasons, both internal and external, which are beyond the scope of this paper to delve into. However, despite the lingering passion of some Somalis for this mirage of the past, and the false, in-name-only adherence of some regional powers seeking to advance their own self interested, political calculations, this discredited and empty irredentism can no longer further the political aspirations and hopes for a better future of a new generation of Somalis.

Succeeding generations of young Somalis, which have been robbed of any and all opportunity for betterment while observing both their own misery and the changing world around them are no longer inspired by dreams of Greater Somalia. The call to their political loyalty is to their sub-clan and the call to their faith is to a medieval nihilism masquerading as Islam. They demand a life and the chance for betterment now and a faith that connects them to humanity and human progress, not one that not only denies it, but cuts them off from it in the name of piety. The lucky few that can muster the necessary payments, vote with their feet and join the millions of illegal migrants that are preyed upon by human traffickers each year, while the unlucky are forced to choose between death, beggary and fighting for one side or the other in the interminable war that has come to define Somalia. This conference will, as did all of its predecessors, focus upon the symptoms of Somalia's malaise, i.e. the anarchy, lack of governance, corruption of the self-serving and self-appointed leadership, the nihilist menace of Al-Shabaab and maritime piracy, without ever addressing the root cause of the disease.

Addressing the root cause of the disease requires asking the question: In the absence of the irredentist dream, what is the basis for the existence of a Somali state, and on what terms will the people of Somalia, particularly the young, accord to such a state their political consent? This question cannot be sensibly or productively debated and concluded in a couple days at a swank conference hall in London by unelected and unrepresentative Somali 'politicians' in the pay of the UN, senior representatives of the foreign donors (however well intentioned), and senior members of the international aid nomenclature. These questions can only be sensibly and productively debated and concluded by the people of Somalia through their genuine, indigenous socio-political and cultural leadership. Such a genuine, grass-root, Somali-owned process does not lend itself readily to Western notions and perceptions of structured political debate and negotiation. Rather, it harks back to traditional Somali culture of clan meetings, dispute settlement and peacemaking under the galool tree that has endured for hundreds of years. These meetings and discussions are open to all, although respect and deference is afforded to the elders, however to quote a Somali adage pertaining to such meetings, participants are urged to "daa' ha raadininee, dunta raadiya", or seek and follow wisdom, not longevity.

To return to the issue of Somaliland's attendance of the London conference, it is accepted wisdom among most Somalilanders, that attendance should be rebuffed. This is largely an emotional, knee-jerk reaction to the arrogance/ignorance of Britain in referring to the country as a region of Somalia and then exerting strong pressure for attendance upon the Silanyo regime, which it has successfully inveigled into attending previous meetings for Somalia to Silanyo's domestic political cost. The overwhelming majority of Somaliland citizens, and especially the young who have much less attachment to Britain and no fond memories of the relatively benign colonial protectorate administration, would like their government to cock a snoot at Albion's perfidy and shun attendance. However, this would be a mistake since an emotional response to another's slight (intentional or otherwise), while often satisfying, is rarely wise and almost never in one's long term self interest.

Instead, the Silanyo administration should attend the conference with the aim of telling truth to power and challenging the international community to honestly address why the Somali state collapsed in the aftermath of the Siyad Barre dictatorship and in doing so return ownership of the process of reconciliation and establishment of a new, 21st century rationale for the state to the people of Somalia. Somaliland has unique experience of this type of genuine, grass-root, democratic peace making and reconciliation rooted in local culture, traditions and religious faith. The Borama Conference of 1992, which laid the foundations for the re-emergence of Somaliland as a peaceful, democratic and free republic lasted for over four months, was rooted in local culture and history, ensured that all sections and groups within society, including those historically not accorded a voice, were represented and were heard. In addition, this conference called upon the skills, experience and knowledge of those from the Diaspora as equal citizens and not as fortune or position-seeking carpetbaggers. The representatives/participants at this conference included clan elders and leaders, traditional Sultans, intellectuals and poets, business people, professionals, e.g. doctors and lawyers, politicians and civil society leaders.

The conference had no formal agenda, but everyone knew that the central topic of discussion was the terms upon which the people of this country were prepared to live together in peace and fraternity in a post-dictatorship, post-irredentist future. The first item that was agreed, which set the tone and stage for the subsequent reconciliation and agreement to form a representative government, was that all previous political and clan disputes between the peoples and clans of Somaliland, whether rooted in the defunct dictatorship or in the subsequent liberation war, were null and void, were consigned to history and that it was 'xaraam', i.e. a sin, to ever raise them again. The people of Somaliland have a lot to offer in assisting the international community in developing a workable road map for genuine reconciliation in Somalia, and they are prepared put this experience, expertise and their good offices as an honest broker between the warring parties on the table.

However, the international community has to come to the realisation that the continued failures of its efforts towards re-establishing a viable Somali state over the last two decades are neither accidental nor due to any bad luck or lack of effort. Rather, they have been doomed to failure because they have sought to paper over the cracks of a political edifice that cannot be resurrected because its very foundation has disappeared. Somaliland's willingness to play the role of peace broker, impartial adjudicator and host of the reconciliation process for its brothers to the south is genuine and heartfelt. Equally, its commitment to its sovereignty and independence is unconditional and also genuine and is not subject to question or debate by others. Somaliland won back its independence and freedom at the barrel of a gun, after a long war, and with the precious blood and treasure of its people. Somaliland's freedom and recovery of its sovereignty was neither negotiated at a conference table nor granted by fiat, and it will not be surrendered on any terms. International recognition may not come today, or this year, and the powers represented at the conference may choose to ignore the will of the people of Somaliland for as long as they wish, but this will neither deter them from their chosen destiny nor dismay them from their choice.

It does not often come to pass that a leader is presented by history with a chance to represent the wishes of his people and the justice of their cause to the international community by issuing a challenge, so honest, so heartfelt and so rooted in the basic humanity shared by all peoples, that it marks a turning point in international diplomacy and modern history. Such a moment was presented to Emperor Haile Selassie at the League of Nations in 1936 and the challenge he issued to a world community dominated by European colonial powers on behalf of the Ethiopian people suffering under a brutal onslaught by fascist Italy, brought a destitute, backward and impoverished African country into the League as a charter member and changed the course of history. In 1974, Yasser Arafat went to the UN and said "today I come bearing an olive branch in one hand, and the freedom fighter's gun in the other. Do not let the olive branch fall from my hand. I repeat, do not let the olive branch fall from my hand", and the world never saw the struggle for Palestinian rights and the creation of a Palestinian state through the same prism again.

President Silanyo has such an opportunity at the London conference. He must challenge the world to deny the self evident will of the people of Somaliland and their unique achievement of creating a democratic, post-irredentist Somali state, imperfect as it may be, adjacent to the longest-running failed state in modern history. He must point out that the denial of Somaliland's rights and the continued consignment of the people of Somalia to a never-ending nightmare of anarchy, terrorism and war are two sides of the same coin. The Somali people have the ingenuity and the will to solve their seemingly intractable problems if provided by the international community with the means. The missing ingredient is the imagination and creativity to step back and let the Somalis do it for themselves. Somaliland's message to the London conference is simple: if the definition of madness is repeating the same action again and again yet expecting a different result each time, then we are your sanity pill; ignore us at your peril.

The world may ignore Somaliland's right to recover its sovereignty, but we have the solution to our brothers' troubles, and we stand ready with an open hand to offer it, if you will let us. The prolonged misery of Somalia and Somaliland's continued prodigality are linked and both the result of the lack of imagination and creativity on the part of the international community, which has for too long consigned the 'Somali issue' to the back burner. If the world is now serious about finding a solution for the problems of the Somali people of the Horn of Africa, then it should open not only its heart, but also its mind and its ears, because Somaliland has been shouting the solution for years with to deaf ears. Somaliland's attendance of the London Conference must challenge the status quo not only with respect to its own situation, but also with respect to the situation in Somalia. Somaliland, as the first post-irredentist Somali nation-state, must deliver this message and deliver it emphatically. Who knows, forcing the world to properly address the 'Somali Issue' may just save the conference and save the credibility of Albion.

Ahmed M.I. Egal

Six Elements for Success of Somali Conference in UK

Six Elements for Success of Somali Conference in UK

By Dr Abdulshakur Jowhar (jowharabdi@gmail.com)

OPINION |
1. Complete abandonment of the failed formula of 4.5. No tribal representation of any kind. If Somalis should have learned one thing from the last 20 years it should be this: You cannot build a nation with tribes. You can only create havoc, rivalry, mutual annihilation.

2. There is a distinct possibility that this conference will be about the ultimate absorption of Somalia by its neighbours. Only a united Somali position can abort the desire on the part of some to make this the conference of final Somali partition.

3. Neighbouring states of Ethiopia and Kenya must accept during this conference to transfer any militia they have created to the full control of the Somalia National Army. Ethiopia and Kenya must forcefully disarm these militias if they refuse complete and unconditional and unquestionable absorption into the Somali army. This will help us believe that Ethiopia and Kenya are not preparing militias that will allow them to slowly absorb different parts of Somalia with full funding for their project of "Somali Afro-Colonization" utilizing funds from the international the projects of war on terror and war piracy (these two issues, one must see, are central to the London conference, the issue of Somalis is an afterthought).

This one step of forcing Ethiopia and Kenya to give up their control of tribal militias will strengthen the Somalia army potentially ensure the appearance of Somali state in South Somalia.

Every child knows by now that the creation of tribal armies that are under the control of Ethiopia or Kenya is not for the purpose of uniting Somalis. It is for the purpose of permanently dividing the Somali people. Tribal minds will not be able to see this fact at all, for the only enemy a tribe knows is the tribe next door.

4. There should be only 2 Somali sides participating in this conference; Somaliland and Somalia. Somaliland will be represented by its elected leadership. Somalia will decide who should represent it with the help of its TFG and its allies using any mechanism of selection ( other than 4.5 or tribal representation, or determination by others eg Ethiopia and Kenya)

5. The only issues discussed in this landmark conference should be: peace, and good governance and collaboration between Somalia and Somaliland. The issue of one country or two countries cannot be central to this conference for it will destroy it completely.

6. Residency requirement. The leading Somali participants in the London conference should have lived in Somalia or Somaliland for at least 8 months in the past one year. The traveling sales men of Diaspora Somalis who are not personally affected by Somali chaos in anyway have caused much more harm than good to Somali society. They together with the bureaucracy of various organization are driven primarily by greed, corruption, search for personal power and aggrandizement. They must stay live with the people or stay out of their affairs.

Dr Abdulshakur Jowhar

Clashes In Somaliland; Kenyan Offensive Continues In South

Clashes In Somaliland; Kenyan Offensive Continues In South

Eurasia Review

Somaliland's army bombed the city of Buhodle, in the Ayn region, where heavy artillery fighting has been underway for two days. 

According to local radios, the government of Puntland defined the offensive against the city, key commercial area along the border between the two self-proclaimed independent regions, a "brutal aggression".

Residents of the city report a toll of at least 7 dead and 15 injured in the fighting between soldiers and a rebel group active in the area.

From southern Somalia, reports instead indicate the killing of seven commanders of the al Shebab insurgent group by Kenyan troops. According to a Kenyan army spokesman, Major Emmanuel Chirchir, the attack occurred in the Tatar area, north of Hayo, in which Nairobi's troops destroyed an operations base and two armoured vehicles of the insurgent group.

Kenyan troops are stepping up pressure on the al Shebab over the past days with repeated air strikes. An air raid yesterday in Afmadow left nine dead.

Clarifications are still however attended on a Kenyan air strike in Jilib, a town in the south, where residents accuse Nairobi's air force of hitting a civilian home killing seven people, including 5 children.

Kenya talks glibly about al-Shabaab's spine being broken, but the geographic reach of the war is spreading

Kenya talks glibly about al-Shabaab's spine being broken, but the geographic reach of the war is spreading

The Guardian
EDITORIAL

On Friday Kenyan jets inflicted what its military spokesman confidently described as one of the biggest losses to al-Shabaab, a Salafi jihadi group which controls much of southern and central Somalia. Kenya said it had killed 50 fighters of the group – a claim that was denied yesterday. But no one is in any doubt about the response. On Saturday, the Foreign Office said it believed al-Shabaab was making its final preparations for a terrorist attack on Nairobi. A police spokesman in the capital described al-Shabaab as a wounded buffalo – very dangerous.

Kenya's involvement in a war that has been raging in Somalia for the best part of 20 years is relatively recent. It sent troops in last Octoberafter a string of kidnappings and attacks which it blamed on the militants. They join troops from Ethiopia, a separate 10,000-strong African Union contingent made up of troops from Burundi, Uganda and Djibouti, and the forces of the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) in Mogadishu itself. And that is not to speak of the drones and the other special forces visitors scouring the land.

Kenya talks glibly about al-Shabaab's spine being broken, but the geographic reach of the war is spreading. Since its forces moved in, at least 30 people have been killed in attacks in north-eastern Kenya. This is all looking horribly familiar. In June 2006 the warlords were defeated by the Union of Islamic Courts (UIC), a coalition that briefly began to bring pockets of Mogadishu to order, by popular consent. The UIC included some radicals with links to al-Qaida, but had moderates, too. Ethiopia and the US viewed it as a terrorist threat and Ethiopian troops swept in six months later. In Somalia, you get what you wish for. The invasion galvanised the radicals in al-Shabaab, who portrayed themselves as a resistance movement fighting a foreign power. They are doing the same again today, urging Somalis to rise up against the "Christian" invaders from Kenya. All restraint has disappeared. Far from fearful of triggering a larger Kenyan response – from what started as hot pursuit after the kidnappings in Kenya's coastal regions – al-Shabaab has nothing to lose. It killed more than 70 people in bombings in Kampala, Uganda last year, and it is likely to attempt the same in Kenya.

The efforts by Somalia's neighbours to rid the country of extremists would look more convincing if the TFG were remotely capable of protecting citizens against the worst famine in two decades, and of unifying the clans which are loyal to it. The current tumult in the TFG stems from a power struggle between the president, Sharif Sheik Ahmed, a man who rubber-stamps the decisions of his executive, and an increasingly powerful and ambitious former ally, Sharif Hassan. He was the speaker of the parliament until he was ousted in a vote by MPs last month. The prime minister, Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed, was forced to resign as part of a deal between the two rivals, but MPs have been unwilling to accept the result. When they voted for a replacement speaker, fighting broke out and the president dismissed the vote as illegal. The executive now recognises one speaker, while the majority of MPs support another. This is the latest saga of a government that lacks legitimacy. With just eight months to go before the country holds its first elections in two decades, the infighting is sure to get worse and more violent.

Even if al-Shabaab is defeated by the posse of armies hunting it, the TFG is in no position to unite a country shattered by war and famine. It is riven with clan rivalries. Far from supporting reconciliation, President Sharif and Sharif Hassan have undermined it. An estimated $2bn, one-third of the country's GDP, comes in through hawala or small money transfers, and yet $100m in remittances from the US are imperilledbecause of government rules blocking the funding of terrorist groups. Around 250,000 Somalis are still affected by the famine, but the money cannot get through. This is the quintessential failed state, whose failure foreign armies, militant fighters and venal politicians appear hellbent on continuing.

Source: The Guardian

Somali Nationalism: Not Dead, Just Different

Somali Nationalism: Not Dead, Just Different

by Ahmed M.I. Egal I write with reference to Peter Lockwood's piece entitled "Somali Nationalism: A Dead Concept?" published on 9th January. I don't usually respond to articles, however this one demanded a response for several reasons: • Firstly, Mr. Lockwood is a Junior Consultant at UNESCO in Nairobi and has written other pieces on Somali politics that have been published. Thus, he is part of the international bureaucracy that is responsible for administering Somalia and, notwithstanding his current, if somewhat bizarre, designation of "Junior Consultant", is likely to become a member of the international nomenclature recognised as 'Somalia experts'. Thus, his views and perspectives on Somali politics are likely to have an impact upon international policy on Somalia and need to be addressed as such. • Secondly, while the title of the piece raises the question of Somali Nationalism, the piece is actually concerned with the disintegration of the Somali Republic and argues that Puntland (the autonomous and relatively peaceful part of the erstwhile Republic) and Somaliland should help in ensuring that south and central Somalia do not become "…pawn(s) of other regional and international powers.". This argument echoes those put forward at the roundtable meeting held by Chatham House in July last year, and the policies of the current Silanyo administration in Hargeisa, that Somaliland should get involved in the search for the establishment of a viable state in Somalia. • Thirdly, the piece seems to argue for the re-establishment of the erstwhile Republic of Somalia, while not explicitly coming out for this position. In the concluding paragraph, Mr. Lockwood seems to posit the idea that Islam can provide the basis of a new Somali Nationalism that supersedes the divisive clan identity that he believes continues to bedevil the search for peace and viable governance in Somalia. From the outset, let me extend my appreciation to Mr. Lockwood for championing Somali self determination and independent statehood. This critique of his piece is not meant to impugn his motives, nor question the morality of his intentions. However, his perspectives, and therefore his prescriptions, suffer from a limited knowledge of Somali history and nationalism. Firstly, he does not seem to understand fully that the clan identity of the Somali people has both a fusion as well as a fission tendency. Indeed it is the sense of Somali-ness (evidencing their common language, religion and culture) which distinguishes the Somali people of the Horn of Africa from their neighbours, be these neighbours Oromos, Amharas, Danakil (Afars), Masai or Kikuyu. It is this fusion tendency which gave rise to modern Somali nationalism during the 20th century and underpinned the dream of Greater Somalia and the creation of the erstwhile Republic. Thus, automatically equating clan identity with divisiveness, i.e. the fission tendency, is a major flaw in Mr. Lockwood's understanding of Somali nationalism and, therefore, of the analysis presented. Another glaring weakness in the analysis is equating Puntland and Somaliland in the context of their respective positions regarding the efforts to establish a functioning government and state structure in Somalia during the last two decades. Puntland has not declared independence from Somalia and has been intimately involved from the beginning in the establishment of successive so-called governments in Mogadishu. Indeed, the late Abdillahi Yusuf, the first President of Puntland, mounted a successful campaign to accede to the Presidency of Somalia in 2004. Further, Puntland has been very vociferous in demanding and securing its share of, and from, every government that has been established for Somalia since the collapse of the Siyad Barre dictatorship, whether such 'share' be cabinet positions or allocations of aid. The latest conference (which concluded earlier this month) to determine the government of Somalia after the term of the current TFG ends in August 2012, was held in Garowe, the capital of Puntland. Thus, it is only Somaliland which has remained aloof from the search for a government for Somalia and this is because the successive 'governments' established for Somalia have myopically insisted upon their dominion over what is in effect a separate country. Yet another weakness in the analysis is the misreading of the brief period of relative peace and unity under the rule of the Islamic Courts Union (ICU) during 2006/7. Mr. Lockwood suffers under the impression that it was the Islamist doctrine of the ICU that won over the support of the people, when it was their perceived personal honesty, civic morality, patriotism and judicial impartiality compared with the venality, brutality and foreign loyalties of the warlords they sought to transplant that generated widespread public support and loyalty. The irony is that it was precisely the alien and medieval nature of the ICU's brand of Islamism, with its banning of innocent pursuits such as watching sports on TV (indeed watching TV at all), wearing of bras by women and the shaving of beards by men, that brought them into conflict with the general public. Indeed, one could argue that the ICU was able to secure widespread public support by espousing and practising many of the virtues of Somali nationalism, i.e. clean, accountable government, the rule of law and equality before it that characterised the independence era. The statement by Hassan Aweys that Mr. Lockwood quotes approvingly in his penultimate paragraph laying claim to Ethiopia's Fifth (Somali) Province and the Northern Frontier District (NFD) of Kenya actually represents the very worst of the ICU, and marks the takeover of the group by the extremist wing that would lead to its downfall. This extremist wing, of course, came out of the closet as Al-Shabaab after the success of its plan to takeover the ICU and engineer a confrontation with Ethiopia and its Western backers. The simple fact is that the political calculus underlying the collapse of the state in Somalia cannot be reduced to the seductive simplicity of clan identity = divisive anarchy; Islamic identity = inclusive peace. Indeed, the reality of Somali political culture demands that this much sought, and seemingly elusive, inclusive peace must be charted through the very clan identity that facile analysis posits as the problem. The primacy of clan identity within Somali culture and politics is a given that can be neither wished away nor ignored, nor relegated to the periphery of political discussion and organisation, and any prescription or proposed solution that does not recognise this primacy is but a pipedream. Somaliland's recovery of its independence in 1991 and its establishment of a functioning state with a representative, indigenous system of government across clan lines is a clear demonstration that the fusion tendency of Somali nationalism is alive and well. The fact that this unrecognised country of limited means is host to hundreds of thousands of refugees from the anarchy south of the border is testament to the potency of the fraternity that underpins this pan-Somali identity or nationalism. The pan-Somali nature of much Somali business, much of which has its base in Somaliland where it can thrive in peace and under the protection of law, also attests to this fraternal and unifying trend in Somali social organisation. In conclusion, Mr. Lockwood, Somali nationalism is far from dead. Indeed, I would posit the opposite, that it getting its second wind (much like a long distance runner) and we are witnessing its re-emergence in a different and stronger, if less emotive, form. However, recognising its new formulation and articulation by a generation of Somalis that have different imperatives and that are characterised as much by their experiences of war and exile as by the new era of technology and the primacy of information acquisition and exchange in which they have grown up, will require a more in-depth and nuanced analysis. As for Somaliland getting involved in the search for peace and governance in Somalia, this is not a new idea. Indeed, since 1995 Somaliland has repeatedly offered its services in this endeavour with the clear understanding that this will not impact the legitimacy of its independence. It has been the myopic and misplaced intransigence of southern politicians and the unquestioning, passive support of this inflexibility by the donor powers that have conspired to ensure Somaliland's distance. Far from ignoring the plight of their brothers to the south, Somaliland has sought to broker peace among them in the only credible way open to it, i.e. by protecting the hard-won peace and stability its own people have achieved. These efforts have been consistently sabotaged by the very same self-seeking politicians that squabble over apportionment of cabinet positions and aid monies, even as foreign terrorists and their local franchisees fight over their people and territory with invading armies and US drone attacks. The irony is that among the ordinary people of Somalia, the independence of Somaliland is widely supported and admired.

CÔTE D'IVOIRE: UN CONDEMNS VIOLENCE DURING MEETING OF FORMER RULING PARTY

CÔTE D'IVOIRE: UN CONDEMNS VIOLENCE DURING MEETING OF FORMER RULING PARTY

The United Nations Operation in Côte d'Ivoire (UNOCI) strongly condemned today the incidents that left many people injured during a meeting of the former ruling party, the Ivorian Popular Front, which took place in the city of Abidjan.

UNOCI launched an appeal for calm and urged the parties involved to avoid any action that may increase the tension and cause the situation to deteriorate.

In a news release issued by the Mission, UNOCI reiterated its "attachment to freedom of assembly and freedom of expression, which are indispensable to democratic life," and encouraged the Government to take appropriate measures to determine the circumstances surrounding the incidents, as well as identify and arrest those responsible.

The Secretary-General's Special Representative and head of UNOCI Bert Koenders, also reaffirmed the Mission's readiness to assist the Government in the conduct of t
he investigation to avoid similar incidents from occurring.

Kenya’s Military Says Somalia Incursion Reaches Halfway Point

Kenya's Military Says Somalia Incursion Reaches Halfway Point

By Sarah McGregor

Jan. 21 (Bloomberg) -- Kenya's military said its battle to crush an al Qaeda-linked insurgency in southern Somalia has reached the halfway mark and said its forces struck several command centers and logistic facilities operated by the al- Shabaab group.

"The war is almost half lost; al-Shabaab is now facing serious challenges as far as command and control is concerned and logistical support," Colonel Cyrus Oguna, an army spokesman, told reporters in Kenya's capital, Nairobi, today. "It will not take a very long time before al-Shabaab is completely buried."

In October, Kenyan troops entered Somalia saying they were pursuing al-Shabaab and securing the country's borders and have since intensified attacks against the group's bases. The incursion came after several foreign tourists and aid workers were murdered and abducted on Kenyan territory. Kenya blames al- Shabaab for the attacks, a charge the militants have denied.

Oguna said that in the past week, Kenyan forces have destroyed four of al-Shabaab's organizational camps, some in the areas of Jilib and Bibi. Information about the fighting cannot be independently verified and the two sides' version of events generally conflict.

Kenya may know by mid-February whether the United Nations will permit its soldiers to "re-hat" under the African Union Mission in Somalia, which is mandated by the UN, Lindsay Kiptiness, a Foreign Affairs Ministry spokesman, said today.

Al-Shabaab has been battling Somalia's western-backed government for five years and controls most of the southern and central regions. Somalia has had no effective central government since the downfall of dictator Mohamed Siad Barre two decades ago.

Respect the fundamental rights of self determination of Somaliland

Respect the fundamental rights of self determination of Somaliland
Written by Ibrahim M Mead   

open letter

To: the sponsors and organizers of the London conference for Somalia 
cc: the Leadership of Somaliland
cc: the two houses of congress
cc: the traditional leadership of Somaliland 
cc: the civic society of Somaliland 
cc: to whom it may concern

From: Community Advancement through Conflict Resolution International
January 21, 2012

Respect the fundamental rights of self determination of Somaliland

Author's note

This organization (CATCRI) participated the first Municipal, presidential and parliamentary elections in Somaliland as an international observer. I saw democracy in process. I saw how the people and their governments believed the rule of law, decency, stability and peace in their corner of the world. I was there.

My son who is approaching his 30th birth day used to ask me when he first spoke this question, "Why were they doing this to us?" that was when the ethnic cleanings was happening in Somaliland against the majority of the Somalilanders in the 80s! In respond to my son's question I used to say to him, "they were wrong but the end belongs to us, to the righteous" when he grow up and saw the difference of Somaliland and Somalia is between the sky and the earth. When he saw that Somaliland did all the right things and Somalia did all the wrong things he asked me this question, "why their wrongs paid (such that the international community recognized them) and all the right things we did, did not pay?" my answer was the same. "They are wrong, we are right and the end belongs to the righteous, to us if we persevere and be patient" 

The generation who were born after Somaliland withdrew from the failed union with failed Somalia is now 20 years old. They don't understand and it doesn't make a sense to them when Somalia claims that they own us and the international community entertains that nonsense! They only know the currency, the flag and the governmental institutions of Somaliland. The only thing they know of Somalia is misery and mayhem!

Self-determination in general

essentially, the right to self-determination is the right of a people to determine its own destiny. Why do they not want this virtue for the people of Somaliland who worked hard for it?! The international community that is!
The principle allows a people to choose its own political status and to determine its own form of government, its own economic, cultural and social development. 
Exercise of this right can result in a variety of different outcomes ranging from political independence through to full integration within a state. The importance lies in the right of choice, so that the outcome of a people's choice should not affect the existence of the right to make a choice.. Nevertheless, the right to self-determination is recognized in international law as a right of process (not of outcome) belonging to peoples and not to states or governments.

Self-determination in International Law

"The principle of self-determination is prominently embodied in Article I of the Charter of the United Nations? Its inclusion in the UN Charter marks the universal recognition of the principle as fundamental to the maintenance of friendly relations and peace among states. It is recognized as a right of all peoples in the first article common to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights which both entered into force in 1976."
All peoples have the right to self-determination. By virtue of that right they freely determine their political status and freely pursue their economic, social and cultural development.

"The concept of self-determination is a very powerful one. As Wolfgang Danspeckgruber put it: "No other concept is as powerful, visceral, emotional, unruly, as steep in creating aspirations and hopes as self-determination. It evokes emotions, expectations and fears which often lead to conflict and bloodshed. 
Ultimately, the best approach is to view the right to self-determination in its broad sense, as a process providing a wide range of possible outcomes dependent on the situations, needs, interests and conditions of concerned parties. The principle and fundamental right to self-determination of all peoples is firmly established in international law."

Essentially, the right to self-determination is the right of a people to determine its own destiny. 
"The principle allows a people to choose its own political status and to determine its own form of government, its own economic, cultural and social development. 
Exercise of this right can result in a variety of different outcomes ranging from political independence through to full integration within a state, willingly and not by force or coercion. The importance lies in the right of choice, so that the outcome of a people's choice should not affect the existence of the right to make a choice. Nevertheless, the right to self-determination is recognized in international law as a right of process belonging to peoples and not to states or governments."
Cited, UNPO, July 19- 2006) UNPO stands for Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization (UNPO) initiated in 1990 in Tartu, Estonia, and formed in 11 February 1991

We applaud and commend the British government and who ever else involved for the up-coming London conference for Somalia to help Somalia which failed to help her self! They had many, many of this kind of conferences out side their soil before and all failed! 

The inclusion and injection of Somaliland in to this Somalia conference as part of Somalia is a fragrant violation of the fundamental rights of Somaliland's self determination. Somaliland never expected this from Britain! 
Somaliland experienced this kind of move from the astronomical conferences for Somalia. Somaliland can not entertain this as they can not stampede the verdict of her people

If the British Government does not want to help Somaliland which was under British Administration in more than 80 years why don't they leave her alone? 
The British government must do either one of the above! No third way in this. 
Why don't they respect the fundamental rights of the people of Somaliland? 
Somaliland worked for that end, and did so in the hard way. Why don't the British respect the self determination of the people of Somaliland who strived for that relentlessly, patiently?

They say the British is pressuring Mr. Siilanyo, the President of Somaliland to attend to an up coming London conference for Somalia when he will be recognized as a representative of a region which is one of the regions of Somalia! Somalia now stands for name only?! No one except his people have the right to urge president Siilanyo to go or not to go to the upcoming London conference! Only his people can, and his people don't see any thing good for Somaliland in the upcoming London conference which is for the troubled Somalia.

Somaliland is not Somalia any more and the conference is for Somalia. The 15th round, if I am not mistaken! Of all the 14 rounds preceded this, Somaliland did not participate because she did not see any thing good for her, and of all these rounds sponsors and Somalia were openly and subtly undermining Somaliland! "Why were they undermining peace and stability in a corner where peace and stability were not known? Why are they repeating the same thing now, of all places in Britain?" Somaliland is wondering!


Trying to put a healthy apple in to a barrel of rotten apples doesn't help any apple! It doesn't make sense! It is undesirable and unacceptable for Somaliland which has chosen it's destiny in 1991 and ever since, she not only survived from all odds, from all destabilizing entities around her, but thrived in comparison to many African countries! Somaliland kept the peace and lived-and- let-others -live in peace.

All peoples have the right to self determination, Somaliland is not the exception in this human rights. By virtue of that right they freely determined their political status and

Freely pursued their economic, social and cultural development

Somaliland recalled and restored its independence and they declared that in Borao convention in 1991 where reconciliation and forgiveness of Somaliland communities took effect after the SNM movement defeated the dictatorial regime of (Siyad Bare) Somalia, and declared the independence of Somaliland there.

.Borama's convention followed this in1993. There a government of national unity was established where by the SNM movement handed over the government to a civilian government headed by president Egale.This was a unique move on the part of SNM. This kind of transferee of government from a front to a civilian in a peaceful and democratic process never happened in any where in the third world or rarely happened! A popular referendum where people voted 97% yes for Somaliland's withdrawal from the union with Somalia followed that in 2001?

The first transfer of power from triumphant movement to a civilian was born there and that took place in a democratic process. That tradition is still going on. Very recently a defeated government conceded and an elected one took over power of government in Somaliland peacefully as expected. Nothing of this magnitude and nothing of this sort ever happened not only in our region but in Africa in general, forget Somalia in this respect!

The UN and its agencies seems as though they say: "why don't you become like your brothers in Somalia! We don't like what you did even though we say we like it! Your wonderful achievement is incongruent to our project which is a troubled Somalia!! Come on board if you need help!"


Somaliland has reached what has been expected from her and beyond! They realized what survivals of ethnic cleansing might not be expected to achieve!
Somaliland gathered what ever was left and built her country from the ashes, abandoned revenge and restitution and moved for ward. They built their country.
In fact they have established a peaceful, democratic and forward moving country
it is time to reward for that. It is not time to undermine this achievement and demolish it!

Where would Somaliland fit in London conference for Somalia?

I think Somaliland would fit in Somalia's conference there where a country helping Somalia would fit. Somaliland is not Somalia as Somalia is not Somaliland whether some deny it or not! If they say it is about peace and the sea pirates they have Somalia which not only accommodates and tolerates this phenomena but is the benefactor of this business. Somaliland has nothing to do and every body knows that. Somaliland is peaceful and they know it! What else? Somaliland must be rewarded and not punished for what she has achieved!!

Somaliland called off that union with Somalia after Somalia executed an ethnic cleansing system in Somaliland. Eventually Somaliland (SNM) defeated Somalia's genocidal regime of Siyad Barre, thus declared her independence by withdrawing the union from them!?They did not chased them for revenge and restitution, they forgot and for give and moved ahead!

Somaliland gave her people peace, stability and all kinds of development; socially, economically and politically which associates with the above virtues of peace and stability according to her ability. Some people don't appreciate this. In fact some people hate that achievement reached by Somaliland people with little help from out side world!

Somaliland succeeded to establish a never-before seen relationship with her neighbours-Ethiopia and Djibouti. They established a people to people movement, and a government to government cooperation and understanding. 
Somalia on the other hand de-stabilized the tranquility and peace of the whole region! And not only that, they destabilized the world- wide shipping in both the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean by investing young sea bandits there Somalia is the benefactor of that!
Somaliland curbed all that evil activity from her shores with little or no help from the international community, all by her self

As Somaliland is not a region, as it is not?a part of Somalia but an independent Republic recognized by her people, under what conditions and terms the UN representative and now the British are insisting or appealing Somaliland to participate the Somalia conference in London! And what terms and conditions Somaliland is offered in this London conference? "What is the deal here?" one my wonder! The people must see what is in and what is not in for Somaliland in Technicolor first?

?It is the aspirations and the self determination of the people that is sacrosanct [ Muqadas] and that is the point. No one else has the right to deny or evade or stampede or twist this inherently human rights for a people strived and spoken loud and clear that they recalled their Republic of Somaliland and got it, be it local or foreign elements or groups!?

Somaliland people have spoken, in no ambiguous terms, in their referendum of 2001. They chose to be independent despite all the odds entailed by this decision. They lived and they live in this situation fine! That is a forgone conclusion. Again, thesacrosanctness of this matter is a non-negotiable bond as far as the people is concerned, thus there is no space for politics for any one while we are not departing flexibility and compromises where possible, like compensation of the thousands of people massacred and the unaccounted material (stolen) owed for Somaliland by Somalia during the ethnic cleansing years. Open borders and trade with Somalia will come when and if they show interest in this venture..

Honesty and steadfastness is the prerequisites for Somaliland leadership to embrace, and those who lead must heed. It also depends on how the Somaliland players push, persist, relentlessly pursue and persevere, the interest of Somaliland as long as it takes. Only those who have the emotional connection to Somaliland can endure this! 
Enforcing Somaliland to this London conference, or similar conferences amounts to creating new wars and destabilizing the peace exiting in Somaliland, deliberately. I trust that no one is intending to do just that.

"Those who faithfully observe their trusts and their covenants and who strictly guard their payers: - these will be the heirs" the righteous will inherit heaven (Al muminoon ch.18-v, 7&8)
Trust may be express or implied. Express trusts are those where property is entrusts or duties are assigned by some one to some other one whom he trusts to carry out on his behalf. 
Implied trusts arise out of power or position or opportunity.
Covenants create obligations. To sum up all, express and implied trusts and covenants taken together cover the whole field of obligation owed for the people and the country of Somaliland.

However peace and prayers 
Ibrahim Mead
Executive Director
CATCRI
kingmead1@yahoo.ca

U.S. Department of State Daily Digest Bulletin : Winners In East Africa Contest

Apps4Africa: Winners In East Africa Contest

Media Note

Office of the Spokesperson

Washington, DC

January 19, 2012

---

The U.S. Department of State is pleased to announce the East Africa winners of the Apps4Africa: Climate Challenge, a regional competition to address local climate change challenges through the development of web-based and mobile applications. All three East Africa winners support "climate-smart" agriculture in the region. Appfrica International, a private sector partner, announced the winners on January 14 at the Villages in Action Conference in Kikuube Village, Masindi District, Uganda.

First place was awarded to The Grainy Bunch, an application developed in Tanzania. The Grainy Bunch features a national grain supply chain management system that monitors the purchase, storage, distribution, and consumption of grain across the entire nation, designed to ensure both food and economic security. Second place was awarded to Mkulima Calculator, a Kenyan application that will help farmers decide when to plant crops and how to select the best crops for a given location using climate and weather data. Third place was awarded to Agro Universe, a mobile and web-based app from Uganda that creates a regional marketplace, helping communities prepare for pest- and drought-induced food shortages by linking these communities to farmers with available produce.

This competition demonstrates that the United States is working with partners to bring together practitioners, policy-makers, and African technology innovators through programs such as the global Adaptation Partnership and Apps4Africa in order to highlight country-driven solutions to climate change adaptation in East Africa.

Apps4Africa: Climate Challenge consists of three African regional competitions. Winners from the West and Central Africa contest were announced in December, and winners from the Southern Africa competition will be announced in April. These contests build on the outcomes of regional climate change adaptation workshops organized by the Adaptation Partnership, which includes the United States and more than 20 other countries.

Winners will receive cash prizes. Private partners, including TED and Indigo Trust, are contributing follow-on support.

For more information please visit http://apps4africa.org or contact Marissa Rollens, U.S. Department of State, Bureau of African Affairs, at 202-663-0531 or RollensMK@state.gov.