Somaliland: Dareenkii Ka Qaybgalayaasha, Dhoolla-caddayntii Labada Madaxweyne iyo Jawigii Madasha Xil-wareejinta Ee Maanta!

Somaliland: Dareenkii Ka Qaybgalayaasha, Dhoolla-caddayntii Labada Madaxweyne iyo Jawigii Madasha Xil-wareejinta Ee Maanta!
posted by: mursal

Hargeysa(Togaherer.com):- Waxa aad loo adkeeyey guud ahaanba ammaanka Caasimadda Hargeysa, gaar ahaan Kaamboolka qasriga, waxa la qurxiyey dhismaha xarunta iyo inta ka ag-dhaw, waxa si habsami ah oo habaysan loo wadhay Kuraasi barxadda dhexe ee gudaha dayrka oo dabcan aad loo sii rusheeyey.

Dadka madasha joogay waxay ahaayeen guud ahaan kuwo qiiro-farxad, qosol, dhoolla-caddayn iyo bilicda dharkaba ka siman oo la wadaagay madasha. Waxay dhagaha dadku maqlayeen Muusiga astaanta u ah Heesta Calanka Somaliland oo ay kaga sanqadhinayeen Ciidamada Booliska qaybta Muusikada ee Bamboyda loo yaqaanno oo si hagar la'aan ah ugaga hadliyey qalabkooda. Meel kale maaha ee madashu waa qasriga Madaxtooyada Somaliland ee magaalada Hargeysa, ka sokow Musiga Bamboyda waxay dhagahaagu maqlayeen sacab iyo mashxarad dareenka farxadda awgeed ku lammaanaa oo sacabbo aan beryahaa is taaban isu keenay.

Goobo kala dambeeya ayaa Ciidamadu dadka ku joojinayeen, isla markaana lagu baadhayey, qalabka wax sheega iyo gacantaba, baytal-qasiidka Madasha loo qurxiyey ma qarsoona, oo dabcan waxa ka dhacaysa gudaha madaxtooyada Munaasibad ballaadhan oo si weyn loo soo agaasimay oo ay xilka kula wareegayeen Madaxweynaha shaqada ka tagaya ee Somaliland Daahir Rayaale Kaahin iyo Madaxweynaha la doortay Axmed Maxamed Maxamuud (Siilaanyo), sidoo kalena lagu dhaarinayay Madaxweynaha la doortay iyo Ku-xigeenkiisa Cabdiraxmaan Cabdillaahi Ismaaciil (Saylici).

Waxaana Xafladdaasi ka soo qaybgalay, labada Madaxweyne ee xilka la kala wareegay iyo Ku-xigeennadooda ka sokow, Shirguddoonna Golayaasha Baarlamaanka, Golaha Xukuumadda, Guddiga doorashooyinka, Maxkamadda sare, Masuuliyiinta Xisbiyada Siyaasadda Somaliland, Wufuud ka kala socotay waddamada Jabuuti, Itoobiya, Kenya, Goob-joogayaal iyo Wakiillo waddamada caalamka ka socoday, aqoonyahaniin, abwaaniin iyo Marti-sharaf kale.

Madaxweynaha shaqada ka tagaya iyo ku-xigeenkiisa Md. Daahir Rayaale Kaahin iyo Axmed Yuusuf Yaasiin oo si gooni gooni ah u socday ayaa ku soo galay Madaxtooyada Baabuurtooda gaarka ah wakhti saacaddu sagaalkii subaxnimo cagacagaynaysay. Sidoo kale, Madaxweynaha xilka la wareegayay iyo Ku-xigeenkiisa Md. Axmed Maxamed Maxamuud (Siilaanyo) iyo ku-xigeenkiisa Cabdiraxmaan Cabdillaahi Ismaaciil (Saylici), ayaa soo galay wakhti daqiiqado yari ka hadhsanaayeen bilawga Xafladda oo loogu talagalay inay si rasmiya u bilaabanto 10:00-kii subaxnimo, 10:30-kii iyo badhkiina waxa bilaabantay Munaasibaddii oo lagu furay Aayado Quraan ah.

Intaasi ka dib, waxa soo kacay Guddoomiyaha Maxkamadda sare ee Somaliland Maxamed Siciid Xirsi (Oommane), waxaanu halkaasi ku dhaariyey Madaxweynaha la doortay Axmed Maxamed Maxamuud (Siilaanyo) iyo ku-xigeenkiisa Cabdiraxmaan Cabdillaahi Ismaaciil (Saylici), oo iyagu maanta noqday hoggaanka sharciga ah ee shan sano oo maanta ka bilaabanta hayn doona talada dalka Somaliland.

Dhaarinta ka dib, Madaxweynaha xilka wareejinayey Daahir Rayaale Kaahin, ayaa khudbaddiisii ugu dambaysay halkaasi ka jeediyey, isla markaana waxa uu sheegay inuu ku faraxsan yahay xilka uu maanta wareejinayo, si qalbi furan ah oo niyad-sami ahna ugu soo dhawaynayo Madaxweynaha la doortay. Isaga oo ballan-qaaday inuu daba istaagi doono oo uu la shaqayn doono. Waxaanu M. Rayaale u mahadceliyey Wufuudda munaasibaddaas uga yimi dalalka Jabuuti, Itoobiya, iyo meelo kaleba. Waxa kale oo uu Daahir Rayaale sheegay inay maanta tahay maalin taariikhi ah oo ay rumoowday jidkii dheer oo uu sheegay in dimuquraaddiyadda Somaliland u soo martay.

Ugu dambayntii Madaxweynaha la doortay Axmed-Siilaanyo, ayaa isaguna khudbaddiisii ugu horreysay Madaxweynenimada inta loo dhaariyey, madashaasi ka jeediyey, waxaanu sidoo kale u mahadceliyey Madaxda Kenya, Itoobiya iyo Jabuuti ee Weftiyada u soo diray ka qaybgalka Xafladda uu xilka kula wareegayey. Waxaanu sheegay inuu sinnaan, caddaalad iyo midnimo ku hoggaamin doono dalka mudda uu xilka hayo. Isla markaana waxa uu si weyn ugu mahadceliyey Madaxweynaha talada ku wareejiyey iyo ku-xigeenkiisa.

Waxay labada Madaxweyne ee xilka isku wareejiyey iyo ku-xigeennadoodu ka qaateen salaan sharaf Cutubyo Ciidamada qalabka sida ka tirsan, iyaga oo ku dul-taagan roog cas oo la sii goglay. Madaxweynaha xilka wareejiyey Md. Rayaale, waxa uu ku baxay baabuurkiisa gaarka ah illaa gurigiisa gaarka ah ee uu hadda degay, halka Madaxweynaha xilka la wareegayna meel badhtamaha ahayd oo ay salaanta ku qaateen, isla markaana isku macasalaameeyeen labada Oday, ayuu Siilaanyo dib uga noqday isaga oo ku laabtay dhinaca dhismaha xafiisyada iyo guryaha Madaxtooyada.

Si kastaba ha ahaatee, waa markii ugu horreysay ee ay dalka Somaliland ka dhacdo Xaflad tan oo kale ah oo ay xilka kula kala wareegayaan laba Madaxweyne oo la soo doortay oo is beddalaya. Madaxweynihii ugu horreeyey ee tan iyo markii Somaliland gooni-isu-taageeda lagu dhawaaqay 1991-kii ee shicibku soo doortaa ahaa Daahir Rayaale Kaahin oo siddeed sano xilka hayey, halka Madaxweynihii labaad ee shacabku soo doorteenna yahay Axmed Maxamed Maxamuud (Siilaanyo) oo ku guulaystay doorashadii 26 June 2010 Somaliland ka qabsoontay.

Togaherer.com

Hargeysa/Somaliland

Need to re-think our policy towards Somalia

Need to re-think our policy towards Somalia

By MUKHISA KITUYI


In the recent past, two events have occurred in lands far apart which force Kenya to re-think its policy towards Somalia.

First, the people of Somaliland, the self-declared autonomous region formerly called British Somaliland, held a very credible election last month which was won by the opposition.

Second, came the traumatic bombings that killed and maimed hundreds of people in Kampala with the Somali group al-Shabaab rushing to claim responsibility.

These two events are bound by the reality of the failed state in Somalia and even worse the failed response by the international community to the shame that is Somalia today. Kenya must read the line and make a firm stand in the national interest.

At independence in 1960, British Somaliland voluntarily joined the Republic of Somalia in the hope of peace and development. When all they got was the brutality of the Siad Barre regime, they declared independence in 1991.

The response was painful and remains enshrined in the mass graves of Malko-Durduro near Hargeisa. They picked up the pieces and, while the rest of Somalia descended into chaos, the people of Somaliland have sustained dialogue in modelling a democratic system balancing between clan elders and elected chambers of parliament.

Visiting Select Committees from the House of Commons (2004) and the Kenya National Assembly (2006) have applauded the progress made.

Trying militants

Today Somaliland has fashioned an effective administration regularly collecting due taxes, arresting and trying militants bent on disrupting the peace, patrolling the Gulf of Eden to keep pirates off its shores, and operating efficient air and sea port facilities at Berbera.

Despite their best efforts, the people of Somaliland remain constricted because the world has refused to recognise their statehood. Arguments about sanctity of independence boundaries run hollow in the face of cases like Ethiopia-Eritrea and failed federations like Senegambia.

The sick state of Somalia requires no further pretence at sanctity. More crucially, incremental solutions to the mess that is Somalia require solidarity with successful Somali peace initiatives. There is none better than Somaliland.

Kenya should lead other regional players in recognising and strengthening the Republic of Somaliland as a frontline counter to the violence spewing out of Somalia. This is the least we can do for a country that gave us the Isaq immigrants of the post World War II that played a key role in the spread of African entrepreneurship in the hinterland of pre-independence Kenya.

In the wake of the Kampala bombings, President Museveni has vowed strong response in Somalia. It is important to see Uganda's predicament in its context.

President Museveni committed Ugandan soldiers to the peace initiative of Igad. Since then, three major things have emerged which require a total re-think of the Africa Union and Igad approach to Somalia.

First there is no peace to keep in Somalia and the AMISON forces are pretending to offer security to an interim government that is permanently on life support.

The idea of a green house for the transitional government to grow before being let out to pasture has failed as the government in Mogadishu remains a cacophony of foreigners of Somali origin who fly in from Nairobi, Australia, Canada and Scandinavia for Cabinet meetings and fly back home.

If government is wilting in the green house, when will it grow capacity to govern without Barundi and Ugandan soldiers?

Secondly, the alternative to the TFG in Mogadishu left on its own remains absurd and disruptive. Al-Shabaab wants us to appreciate it on the basis of its ability to spread pain and shock, and its recent declaration of a fatwa on democracy.

The third thing is the recent coming into force of the Common Market for East Africa. This has entailed a commitment by the member countries to grow the protocols on Foreign and Defence co-operation into unified policy on regional security and foreign relations.

Somalia accords them the earliest opportunity to think and act together. This is the time for Kenya and the rest of East Africa to tell Uganda "you shall not walk alone".

The strategic interests of East Africa are tied to secure maritime trade off the shores of Somalia. Illicit trade in small arms and the threat of terrorist acts can be better dealt with in Somalia than at our porous borders.

Firm decisions founded on clear measurable and achievable goals must inform the way forward as we join our brothers in Uganda in mourning the innocent lives that have been lost so meaninglessly.

The writer is a director of the African Governance and Leadership Centre and a former minister.

 mukhisakituyi@yahoo.com

Daily Nation News Paper.

 

Don't be afraid of Islam, says Al-Sudais

Don't be afraid of Islam, says Al-Sudais

Sheikh Abdul Rahman Al-Sudais speaks after inaugurating the Tauheedul Islam Mosque in Blackburn, UK, on Friday. Lord Adam Patel is on his right. (SPA)

By P.K. ABDUL GHAFOUR | ARAB NEWS

JEDDAH: The imam of the Grand Mosque in Makkah told the world not to be afraid of Islam and Muslims, adding that Islam represents a message of peace, goodness and tolerance.

Sheikh Abdul Rahman Al-Sudais made the announcement while delivering his Friday sermon at the Tauheedul Islam Mosque in Blackburn, Lancashire, UK.

The new Tauheedul Islam Mosque is the largest in Lancashire and cost 3.5 million pounds ($5.37 million). Qatar's royal family provided an initial donation of 1.5 million pounds for the basic construction of the mosque, with the remainder generated from the Blackburn community. The community had outgrown the much smaller mosque, which was established at the same site in the 1960s.

In his sermon, Al-Sudais said: "Islam came to protect the interests of humanity, prevent evils and build bridges with all communities. It offers a great message of mercy and tolerance."

The Makkah imam urged Muslims living in Western countries to abide by the laws of the countries where they reside. "You should be a positive and constructive factor in the community you live and should not involve yourselves in activities that would undermine its security and stability," the Saudi Press Agency quoted Al-Sudais as saying.

Al-Sudais asked Muslims to learn from the life and teachings of the Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him), who used to visit his Jewish neighbor. "When the Prophet died his armor was kept with a Jew as a security," he said, urging Muslims to establish good relations with non-Muslims. "This is the best way to attract them to Islam."

Al-Sudais said Muslims living in the West should serve as ambassadors of their religion. "You should uphold the great Islamic values while dealing with Muslims as well as non-Muslims and should not engage in any corrupt or unjust practices."

Al-Sudais hoped that the new mosque, which has taken six years to complete, would serve as a source of goodness, light and guidance for the entire mankind.

Lord Adam Patel, president of the mosque, emphasized the importance of the mosque. "In 21st century Britain, the role of the masjid is as important as it was at the time of our Prophet Muhammad (pbuh)," he said.

Patel said the mosque would work to advance the Islamic faith through the provision of a wide range of spiritual, educational and social services.

"Our vision is to become a center of excellence for Islamic learning and practice providing a beacon for both Muslims and other faith communities who wish to gain a deeper knowledge and understanding of Islam," he said.

He thanked Al-Sudais for coming to Blackburn all the way from Makkah to open the mosque.

The Makkah imam later visited an Islamic school for girls adjacent to the mosque. "Women have a great place in Islam," he said, urging Muslim men to take care to their women. "I am quite happy to meet Muslim girls living in this part of the world who uphold their religion and Islamic values with pride and wear the hijab. It does not prevent them from taking part in different fields of life."

He commended the school authorities for their efforts to provide proper Islamic education to their children.

Student Saeeda Patel, who welcomed Al-Sudais, described him as a model for millions of Muslims around the world being the imam of the Grand Mosque, which houses the Holy Kaaba to which Muslims all over the world turn when praying. "Our school, which was established 25 years ago, is one of the leading Islamic schools in the UK," she said. There are 430 students now. It is the only government-funded Islamic girls high school in the northwest of England.

ROLE OF UN ADVOCACY GROUP VITAL TO ACHIEVING ANTI-POVERTY TARGETS, BAN SAYS

ROLE OF UN ADVOCACY GROUP VITAL TO ACHIEVING ANTI-POVERTY TARGETS, BAN SAYS
New York, Jul 16 2010  4:10PM
Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon today underscored the vital role played by the group of current and former political leaders, businesspeople and thinkers he set up last month to spur action on the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), stating that the time has come to turn commitments into action.

"Around the world, people support the goals and the values embedded in the MDGs," he said at the first meeting of the MDG Advocacy Group in Madrid, Spain.

But, he added, more must be done to educate and inform about the Goals, which include targets for slashing poverty, boosting school enrolment rates, improving maternal health and increasing access to clean water and decent sanitation – all by 2015.

That is where the MDG Advocacy Group comes in, he told the gathering.

"This Group will identify strategic opportunities. You will help build awareness. You will help translate the rhetoric of good intentions into results – real results for real people.

"That is why we are here – to build a global network, a movement, a team, to score the goals and triumph – like Spain – in our great common challenge," the Secretary-General said, referring to Spain's recent victory at the 2010 World Cup.

Co-chaired by Spanish Prime Minister José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero and Rwandan President Paul Kagame, the Advocacy Group includes well-known figures such as Nobel Peace Prize laureates Muhammad Yunus and Wangari Maathai, as well as former Chilean president Michelle Bachelet and entrepreneur and philanthropist Bill Gates.

Today's meeting comes ahead of the high-level MDG Summit that will take place at UN Headquarters in New York in September, which is expected to result in concrete national action plans for realizing the Goals.

"Your role will be critical," Mr. Ban told the advocates. "We need you to help mobilize and galvanize. We need you to help make the Summit a turning point…Help us adopt the strongest possible action plan for the next five years. Help us score the goals by 2015.

"Now is the time for you to act."

While in the Spanish capital, the Secretary-General also met separately with Mr. Zapatero and Mr. Kagame.

In addition to discussing the work of the MDG Advocacy Group and its first meeting, Mr. Ban and Mr. Kagame talked about recent developments in Rwanda.

"The Secretary-General also noted the upcoming elections in Rwanda and expressed concern about recent incidents causing political tensions," UN spokesperson Farhan Haq told reporters.

Mr. Ban encouraged Rwandan authorities to take immediate action, including a thorough investigation into the latest incident in which an opposition leader was found murdered, and to bring the perpetrators to justice, added Mr. Haq.

Somaliland elections: Why the world ignores Horn of Africa’s oasis of stability

Somaliland elections: Why the world ignores Horn of Africa's oasis of stability

July 08, 2010 By: adal Category: News

The self-declared republic of Somaliland voted this past weekend for a new president. Somaliland is the one corner of Somalia that functions, but the international community refuses recognize it as a nation-state. Is the West scuppering its best chance for democracy in the region?

A little over a year ago, I boarded an aged Russian propeller plane in Djibouti for a short flight into Somaliland. It was my first and, so far, my only visit to that self-declared republic, which broke away from Somalia 20 years ago while no one seemed to be looking.

Strangely enough, the world still isn't looking.

Last weekend, Somaliland held elections and – unlike elections in more respectable nation-states like Kenya, Sudan, and Burundi – there were no claims of foul play, no international election observers citing "irregularities." Not even a "hanging chad." Al Qaeda issued warnings for voters not to participate, but the voters ignored them. And when the results came in, and the country's president lost, there was a peaceful transfer of power to the president's rival.

Of course, it's easy to ignore Somaliland. Unlike Sudan, Nigeria, and Angola, it doesn't produce oil. Unlike Burundi, it hasn't had a recent spate of genocide. Unlike Kenya, it isn't a vibrant commercial hub for the region with occasional self-destructive tendencies. Somaliland's biggest export is mutton, and I can't remember the last time the international community intervened in a country over mutton. Even when it's nice and lean.

But perhaps more importantly, the international community doesn't intervene unless a country is in crisis. Quiet, poor, functional states – like well-behaved children – well, they tend to get ignored.

If Somaliland is the good child, then Somalia itself is the petulant brat. Somalia – the nation that technically still includes Somaliland and all the villages and pirate ports in between down to the border with Kenya – has been at war with itself for more than 20 years. Its disintegration after the fall of President Siad Barre in 1991 prompted President George Bush to send in US Marines to secure food deliveries. Continued conflict among Somali warlords for control of what was left of Mogadishu – and the death of 18 US Army Rangers (Black Hawk Down) – prompted President Bill Clinton to withdraw them a few months later.

Since then, Somalia has been the poster child of ungovernability. Nearly 2.5 million Somalis rely entirely on food aid from the UN's World Food Programme for survival, to the tune of $485 million a year. Some 6,100 African Union peacekeepers keep a tottering transitional Somali government alive in the perhaps five square blocks of Mogadishu that the government still controls.

Lack of government control allows criminal gangs, arms smugglers, and piracy to thrive in the many small ports that dot the Somali coast. A European Naval Force patrolling the Gulf of Aden to protect commercial ships costs perhaps $300 million a year.

For all the world's attention to Somalia, it's hard to see the improvement in the lives of ordinary Somalis. Warlords still control much of the populated south, and while they tend to justify their actions with religious edicts these days, there's not much difference between the cruelty of Al Shabab and the cruelty of an old-school warlord like Mohamad Farah Aideed. Food aid keeps millions alive, but they can have the unintended consequences of enriching all those charming warlords.

The fact that Somaliland hasn't been dragged down into that same abyss by their petulant cousins is more than a miracle; it's an act of sheer will. Its mere existence gives lie to the notion that Somalis can't govern themselves, that clan rivalries and corruption and political Islam are destined to drag the Horn of Africa to depths of misery unseen since the Dark Ages.

But how long can a poor, quiet, functional country hold out in such a dangerous region? Why should it continue to arrest pirate gangs in its "territorial waters" when it barely has three boats to call a navy? And how to guarantee that this well-behaved country continues to act in its own peaceful self-interest?

The answer is simple, according to Somaliland's new President, Ahmed Mahmud Silanyo, whom I interviewed when he was still just a presidential candidate.

"We are a nation and a state, we are a people aspiring to be recognized," Mr. Silanyo said, during an interview at his home in the capital, Hargeisa. "The reason we are an oasis of peace in the region is that we are all committed to the principle of peace and coexistence with our neighbors."

But a country that is cut off from trade with the rest of the world cannot survive, he added. "People are leaving this country by the thousands. You see the condition of the roads, the condition of our cities, the lack of development. Why doesn't the world recognize us, when we are a people who want to live in peace?"

It's a worthy question that deserves an answer.

Source: CSM

GLOBAL: Could be a busy season for disasters

GLOBAL: Could be a busy season for disasters

JOHANNESBURG, 8 July 2010 (IRIN) - The La Niña phenomenon has officially arrived and disaster response teams around the world might need to brace themselves for heavier monsoons, bigger and more frequent hurricanes, and angrier cyclones.

 "There is global consensus that we are at the beginning of a La Niña, but we cannot pronounce the intensity of the event yet - we have to wait for it to evolve," said Rupa Kumar Kolli, Chief of the World Climate Applications and Services Division at the World Meteorological Organization (WMO).

 La Niña is characterised by unusually cold ocean temperatures in the eastern equatorial Pacific Ocean; El Niño is characterised by high temperatures, the US government's National Aeronautics and Space Administration says on its website.

 The colder-than-normal ocean temperatures prevent rain-producing clouds from forming over the eastern equatorial Pacific region, including the open ocean south of Mexico and Central America, but enhance rainfall over the western equatorial Pacific region of Indonesia, Malaysia and northern Australia.

 This in turn affects the jet streams, or strong wind-flows, in the upper levels of the atmosphere and the behaviour of storms outside of the tropics in both the northern and southern hemispheres. In short, La Niña is a global phenomenon.

 The National Hurricane Centre at the US government's National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) has been expecting a La Niña to occur, and by May 2010 predicted a 70 percent chance that there would be 14 to 23 named storms, with wind speeds of more than 62km per hour. This is far more than the average of 11 named storms during the hurricane season in the Atlantic region, which began in June.

 The first hurricane of the season, Alex, hit Mexico on 30 June. NOAA said it was the first hurricane to be recorded in June in the Atlantic Basin since 1995, and the strongest in that month since 1966.

 On the Caribbean side of Central America, La Niña is bad news for vulnerable islands such as Haiti, which is still recovering from the earthquake that struck it in January 2010.

 Africa

 Cobus Olivier, a scientist in the Prediction Research section of the South African Weather Service, said the possible impact of La Niña on Africa, and particularly southern Africa, was unclear. "At the moment the La Nina event is only starting out and will most probably take a month or two before it's considered a true La Niña event."

He said it was very difficult to predict the impact as this could vary within the African region and from one La Niña event to another. La Niña is usually associated with more rain, but an analysis of rainfall patterns for African countries south of the equator tells a different story.

Olivier and his colleagues used rainfall data collected during La Niña events from 1961 to 2002, for the months of August, September and October, when the event is expected to be more pronounced.

"Uganda and the southern parts of Sudan usually seem to have wetter conditions during La Niña ... but parts of Angola, DRC [Democratic Republic of Congo], Mozambique, Tanzania, Kenya, Somalia and Madagascar tend towards drier conditions," he said.

In South Africa the situation is "very variable", but "Generally it looks like we may have  spring rains [in September-October], and this is also supported by our latest forecast."

 Southeast Asia

 Meteorologists in Southeast Asia, where the monsoon season is underway, have predicted a normal monsoon, Kolli said. The region struggled with poor rains caused by an El Niño that affected food production in India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Nepal, Vietnam, the Philippines and Thailand.

 "But if the La Niña gets more pronounced, there is a stronger chance of monsoon depressions turning into cyclones that would affect Bangladesh and its surrounding areas [India and Myanmar], with heavier monsoons leading to flooding and mudslides."

 July is the time of year when cyclonic storms, known as typhoons in the northwest Pacific, start rolling in, but Kolli said there was not a "very strong association between the La Niña event and typhoons."

 jk/he

The ruling party of Somaliland has asked electoral officials to delay announcing results

Photo: AP

A sample of a voting paper is displayed by the National Electoral Commission,in Hargeisa,

The ruling party of Somaliland has asked electoral officials to delay announcing results of Saturday's presidential poll, saying there were "huge irregularities" in the vote.

Officials from the UDUB party warned Wednesday that if the election commission announces the results, it could lead to instability that could jeopardize Somaliland's security.

The breakaway republic held its first presidential poll in seven years Saturday, more than two years after the term of President Dahir Riyale Kahin expired.  

The region's electoral commission has yet to release any results.  The president's party says the results should be withheld until its complaints are investigated.

Earlier, the European Union called for the votes to be counted quickly, and urged all parties to accept the outcome.

Somaliland declared its independence from the rest of Somalia in 1991, but is not recognized by the international community.

Saturday's poll was a contest between President Riyale and two challengers, Ahmed Mohamed Silanyo and Faisal Ali Warabe.  Slightly more than 1 million Somaliland residents were eligible to vote.

International observers said the election was mostly free and fair but noted some irregularities, such as underage voting and active campaigning by government workers for President Riyale.

A militia killed four people at a polling station near the contested border between Somaliland and Somalia's semi-autonomous Puntland region.

Opposition Leader Elected Somaliland President

 Opposition Leader Elected Somaliland President

Photo: AP

Ahmed Mohamud Silanyo, chairman of the KULMIYE Party, in Hargeisa, Somaliland, 01 Jul 2010

An opposition candidate has won the presidential vote held in the self-declared republic of Somaliland.  International observers are hailing what may be the first democratic handover of power in the Horn of Africa.  

The chairman of Somaliland's National Election Commission Issa Mohamud declared Ahmed Mohamud Silanyo as the winner of the June 26 poll, defeating President Dahir Riyale Kahin by a comfortable margin.

The election commission chairman says Mr. Silanyo, who heads the opposition party known as Kulmiye, received nearly 50 percent of the votes cast while the president received 33 percent.  The outgoing leader came in second out of three candidates.

Despite some voting day violence at polling stations in an area contested by Somaliland and neighboring semi-autonomous region of Puntland, international observers said the election was generally free and fair and had met international standards.  

Mr. Silanyo formed Kulmiye in 2002 and ran for the presidency the following year.  In that race, he lost to President Kahin by just 80 votes.  

In recent days, Mr. Kahin stated several times that he would step down peacefully if he lost.  Somaliland observer and author Iqbal Jhazbhay says a smooth transfer of power is now widely expected.

"The president is bound to be held to his word and he will have to abide by his public statements," he said. "I think you will likely see a bit of haggling on logistical issues, but I think there will be a peaceful transfer."

Ahmed Mohamud Silanyo was once a senior minister in the Somali government of Dictator Mohamed Siad Barre in the 1980s.  But he quit the government to become the leader of the Somali National Movement, an armed opposition group that fought to topple Siad Barre's regime and helped establish the breakaway region.   

Like his predecessor, Mr. Silanyo is expected to vigorously push for international recognition of the region, which unilaterally declared its independence from Somalia after the fall of the Siad Barre government in 1991.  The success of the poll has raised hopes among supporters that formal recognition will be granted, opening a floodgate of foreign investment and development aid that Somaliland desperately needs.   

But there are Somalis in the disputed eastern part of the former British protectorate, who are vehemently opposed to recognition.  The regions of Sool, Sanaag, and parts of Togdheer are claimed by both Somaliland and Puntland, and the two sides have clashed repeatedly in the past for control of key towns.  Somalis in the disputed regions, who have clan ties to Puntland, have vowed to fight the government in Hargeisa if their land is formally incorporated into Somaliland.  

Further complicating matters is a movement by a group to create a separate administrative region of Sool, Sanaag, and southeastern Togdheer, which Puntlanders call the "Cayn" region.  The group firmly rejects Hargeisa's move to formally secede from the rest of Somalia.  But it is equally wary of Puntland's desire to control the contested regions.

Analysts say the new president will have to perform a delicate balancing act of pushing for recognition without setting off a conflict that could mirror the chaos in southern and central Somalia.  

A long-delayed presidential poll in a country that does not officially exist

Not so failing

A long-delayed presidential poll in a country that does not officially exist

 

SINCE 1991 Somalia has routinely been labelled "the world's most failed state". Yet its north-west bit, Somaliland, once a British protectorate that merged with Italian Somalia to form unified Somalia in 1960, actually feels like a proper country. Although poor and underdeveloped, it is free of the south's scourges, such as piracy, warring militias and Islamist extremism. The streets of Hargeisa, the dusty and tumbledown capital, hum with construction work and mobile-phone chatter.

Somaliland is pushing for international recognition and has been building a democratic state. In 2003 it held a presidential election, then a parliamentary one in 2005. On June 26th the 50th anniversary of the end of the British protectorate, a second presidential poll took place, marked with enthusiasm and little violence by its 1.07m registered voters (from a population of around 2.5m). It is hard to imagine that happening in Somalia.

Not everything is rosy. The poll was originally scheduled for early 2008, but a dispute over voter registration saw it repeatedly delayed, before political parties grudgingly forged an agreement last September. There were a series of suicide attacks in Hargeisa in October 2008, including on the presidential compound, which killed 29 people. These sharpened fears that al-Shabab, south Somalia's Islamic militia, no fan of the idea of a democratic secessionist state, could kill Somaliland's democratic dream. In early June Somaliland's police foiled a similar plot in Burco, the region's second city.

• In the event, despite an election-eve warning by al-Shabab, the poll went ahead smoothly in most of the country. International election observers reported, with some qualifications, a well-organised and fair vote. There was, for example, the reported distribution of false voter ID cards and widespread underage voting around the town of Borama near the Ethiopian border, home territory of President Dahir Riyale Kahin. There were problems in the regions of Sool and eastern Sanaag, where some clan leaders are unenthusiastic about Somaliland and where Puntland, another part of Somalia that asserts its autonomy, lays claim to territory.

The final result may be delayed by an investigation of these difficulties. However, early indications were that Mr Kahin, who became president in 2002 when his predecessor died and who once served in the regime of Siad Barre, Somalia's last military dictator, had lost to Ahmed Silanyo. Mr Silanyo, an ageing scion of the Somali National Movement, which fought the Barre regime, lost the 2003 vote to Mr Kahin by 80 votes amid suspicions of electoral fraud.

Whoever wins will have his work cut out if he wants to raise people's standard of living. Somaliland's economy relies heavily on selling livestock to the Middle East and on remittances from the huge diaspora in Europe, America and the Gulf states. Import tariffs account for most government revenue, and subsistence and small trading—or migration—are the only options for many Somalilanders.

Recognition, yearned for by virtually all Somalilanders, could help, as it would give the country access to multilateral assistance and encourage foreign investment. But some leading African Union members are fearful of encouraging secessionist sentiment across the continent. And the United Nations insists on African leadership. There are signs that America, fearful of growing al-Qaeda influence in Somalia, could become more willing to deal with Somaliland—and in March a report from the Council on Foreign Relations, a think-tank, called for an increase in donor assistance. But this is unlikely to mean recognition either.

Middle East & Africa

Life as an election observer

Life as an election observer

TO QUOTE one of my more knowledgeable colleagues: "Elections are funny things. Highly technical and procedural exercises that are yet filled with emotion and rhetoric." During Britain's recent election, emotion ran short. In Somaliland, it is present in spades. An election in a bit of Somalia, the world's most failed state, is something to get emotional about.

The streets of Hargeisa, Somaliland's ramshackle and dusty capital, are a carnival. I am here in the north-west of what is still officially Somalia as part of a team of international observers, invited by Somaliland's electoral commission, for the final week of the de facto state's presidential election, to (they hope) verify the process, and, if so, help strengthen Somaliland's long campaign for official recognition.

Somalilanders, manacled to the profoundly failed state in the south, crave recognition, and all the advantages—such as multilateral assistance—it brings. But in the African Union, they lack allies, with the likes of Morocco fearful of what it could mean for their own claim over Western Sahara. Still, while pursuing the distant dream, Somalilanders have got on with state-building. This second presidential election (the first was in 2003, followed by a parliamentary election in 2005) is the latest stage of a democratic experiment as Athenian as it gets these days, that the world has largely failed to notice.

Many of my fellow observers—59 of us, from 16 countries, including a fair swathe of diaspora Somalilanders—believe deeply in what Somaliland is trying to do. Me, I'm also curious. This is Somalia, after all. Dinner-party conversation-starters sorted for months. But the stakes are high, with long delays in holding the poll, originally set for 2008, sharpening tensions. And there is a chill from the south, where al-Shabaab are no fans of the idea of a democratic secessionist state. Disruption of the election would be a hot ticket, an incident involving foreigners—election observers perhaps—better still. 

At our first security briefing the point is underlined: "See you on YouTube, with a bag over your head". On that jocular note, we hit Hargeisa's streets. Our spirits lift immediately. Somalilanders, it is clear, have not let the long wait for the poll dim their enthusiasm.

We foreigners, the non-Somali ones anyway, can only hope to absorb so much. So we fall back on the visuals. To avoid potential clashes, the three candidates take it in turns to campaign exclusively on particular days. Long trains of cars, buses and trucks, each crammed with more people—men, women and children, the young vastly outnumbering the middle-aged and the old—than the technology should rightly bear thread through the streets. Loudspeakers blare, women ululate. 

One day the livery is green (President Dahir Riyale Kahin of UDUB, the ruling party, whose posters put him in a suit far wider than he is), the next yellow (Ahmed Silanyo of the Kulmiye party, loser by 80 votes to Mr Riyale in the previous presidential election), the next green-and-white (Faisal Ali Waraabe of the UCID party, a Finnish national, who, alongside his running mate, beams at us from billboards "looking like a badly dressed gay couple at a civil wedding", a fellow observer… observes). 

Women in hijab cover their heads in the colours of their allegiance; six-year-olds leap upon our bonnets waving their flags. Even the goats, ubiquitous on the streets, are bedecked in party colours. But each day, some of the faces, the people's anyway, are the same. Could this election simply be an excuse to party?

Well, it's a good party, and little distinguishes the candidates after all. Policy is thin on the ground, apart from a need for "development" and (even for the incumbent) "change". Our highly unscientific straw-polling on the streets reveals an appetite for "change". What change? "Change." Hopes are high, but the how is a mystery. Time up for Mr Riyale, perhaps.

Like a proper election anywhere, the candidates avoid specifics, devoting their time to attacking one another. The buzz on the streets says Mr Silanyo, an aging scion of the independence movement that fought Somalia's last military regime, will take it by a landslide. I ask a senior Kulmiye man what makes his boss the one. "A gorilla in a swimsuit could beat Riyale", he replies. A ringing endorsement indeed.

The main fears concern the result, and the potential for violence which could be unleashed by a narrow one, with most Somalilanders less concerned (we grasp for comfort) at the potential for al-Shabaab disturbance. When we ask them, each candidate pledges to respect the result, whatever it is. But what else would they say at this stage?

Polling day arrives, with no serious violence, and we are still alive. Our teams (with armed guards) are dispatched to all six of Somaliland's far-flung regions, with the diaspora members sent to the tenser ones. Here is where the technical and procedural part kicks in. For this vote, Somaliland is trying out a new voter-ID system, and the potential for fraud and confusion is thought to be high. If that happens, we expect no shortage of the wrong sort of emotion.

In the meantime, it is the more positive emotion that dominates. From the crack of dawn, and even the night before, mostly good-natured queues (men and women separately, with far more of the latter, it appears) form outside the polling stations in schools, houses, tents, halls and government buildings throughout the land. I find myself blinking at the unruly crowds: should we really be here? This is Somalia, after all.

But voting proceeds smoothly, if slowly at first, with the young polling station staff (mostly students from Somaliland's few universities) managing mainly to avoid becoming overwhelmed. For in the queues and even in the stations, the party atmosphere continues, with emotion occasionally swimming over as the sun beats down, and the lines drag.

On the phones at our Hargeisa base, some worrying reports creep in. At one station, stones have been thrown on the roof, shots fired into the air. False alarm: simply Somaliland-style crowd control. In the wild east, where some clans are no fans of Somaliland, there are more serious reports: ballot boxes have been blocked and a female electoral commission staffer (first worryingly described as an "election observer" in reports) shot dead. We telephone our teams there, tell them to keep to the towns. But, thankfully, it is the only serious violence of the day. Could this really be Somalia?

In Mr Riyale's home region, alongside the Ethiopian border, observers encounter crowds of children in queues, then crowds of people handing out voter cards. "Vote early, vote often" seems to be the name of the game. But we are observers, not monitors. We note it down: one for the final report.

Life as an election observer

ACCOUNTABILITY KEY TO PROTECTING CIVILIANS IN CONFLICT, SECURITY COUNCIL TOLD

ACCOUNTABILITY KEY TO PROTECTING CIVILIANS IN CONFLICT, SECURITY COUNCIL TOLD

The targeting of civilians, sexual violence and the denial of humanitarian access remain widespread in armed conflict, senior United Nations officials told the Security Council today, urging greater efforts to end impunity for such acts.

"The conduct of parties to conflict is inevitably affected by their sense of susceptibility to punishment and accountability to their victims, and clear signals that impunity will not be tolerated," UN humanitarian chief John Holmes said during the <"http://www.un.org/News/Press/docs//2010/sc9973.doc.htm">debate on the protection of civilians in armed conflict.

He told the meeting, which heard from 40 speakers, including Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon and High Commissioner for Human Rights Navi Pillay, that the danger is that the normative framework has outpaced the enforcement will and capacity of the international community.

"So I urge the Council to take a robust approach to accountability," said Mr. Holmes, who addressed the 15-member body for the last time as Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and UN Emergency Relief Coordinator.

He noted that while national justice systems must remain the first line of defence, the international community must explore alternative means when those systems prove unable or unwilling to bring perpetrators to justice and provide remedies to victims.

He welcomed the commission of inquiry launched by the Secretary-General for crimes committed during violence in Guinea last September, as well as the panel set up to advise Mr. Ban on accountability for violations of humanitarian and human rights law in Sri Lanka, especially in the last stages of the conflict in that country, and the mechanism recently set up by the Government of Sri Lanka itself.

"The point is that this scrutiny needs to become the norm," Mr. Holmes stated. "Actual and would-be violators need to understand that they have nowhere to hide. Politics must not always win out where powerful States or vocal States with powerful protection are involved."

He suggested that a permanent mechanism be established somewhere in the UN system to conduct inquiries on serious allegations, more or less automatically, noting that this would prevent calls for investigations from being politicized from the start.

"Accountability of perpetrators is key for the protection of civilians," stated Ms. Pillay, who noted that among the most significant actions taken by the Council for the protection of civilians is the establishment of commissions of inquiry.

She noted that States bear the primary responsibility for carrying out investigations and prosecutions regarding genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity and gross human rights violations. Several countries have established national commissions of inquiry, which are welcome demonstrations of a State's willingness to seek justice.

"True accountability can only be achieved," she stressed, "if national inquiry mechanisms are credible, independent and impartial."

Such national commissions should have the power of access to all relevant authorities, persons and information, as well as adequate financial and human resources. "It is these conditions that will instil confidence and trust in these national initiatives," she said.

The Council has acted to promote accountability, Ms. Pillay added, noting that it has explicitly made its support for the military operations of national armed forces conditional on their observance of human rights law, humanitarian law and refugee law.

"We need to ensure that the UN and bilateral support to military operations and security sector reform is tied to promoting respect for human rights," she stated.

For his part, the Secretary-General <"http://www.un.org/apps/sg/sgstats.asp?nid=4667">said the Council has adopted important measures designed to put civilians first, but there is more that it can and must do, including maximizing the impact of peacekeeping missions in protecting civilians.

He welcomed the Council's efforts to increase the emphasis on the protection of civilians in designing peacekeeping mandates. However, he added, that for peacekeeping operations to successfully implement these mandates, the Council must provide them with the sustained political support they require.

"The Council's engagement is vital to make certain that peacekeeping operations are adequately resourced, and to ensure that mission leadership is fully empowered to take forward this complex mandated task on the international community's behalf," said Mr. Ban.

The other key challenges the Council must address are increased compliance by non-State armed groups with international law, and ensuring accountability. "More must be done to increase the expectation that violators will have to face the consequences of their actions," the Secretary-General stated.

Maamulkii Udub ee Somaliland Ma Maxkamadbaa Lasoo Taagi?

Maamulkii Udub ee Somaliland Ma Maxkamadbaa Lasoo Taagi?

 

 

HARGEYSA – Maamulkii Dahir Rayale Kahin wuxuu taariikhda Somaliland iyo ta reer Awdalba noqday midkii ugu musmaasuqa iyo hanti boobka iyo isku dirka bulshada badnaa. Waxyaalaha uu maamulkaasi ku dhaqaaqay halkan laguma soo koobi karo afkana lama soo marin karo.

 

Dahir Rayale iyo Afadiisa Huda waxay faro galin ku hayeen arimaha gudaha ee qoysaska Somaliland inta ay siyaasadii ka yimaadeen – waxay u diideen dhalinyartii inay dhistaan Garoonka Biroole ee magaalada Borame; Dadkii lagu laayey Ceerbardaale Dahir Rayale kama hadlin. Jasiiradaha Ceebaad iyo Sacadiin wuxuu siistay dhalasho Jabuuti si uu u dhoofi karo maanta marka maamulka laga qaado.

 

Wuxuu samaystay maamul hooseedyo shacabka u basaasa una curyaamiya si ayna madaxa marnaba ula kicin. Hadaba maamulkaa waxa dhibta ugu wayn ku hayey Dahir Rayale iyo Badhasaabkii Gobolka Awdal – Maxamud Cabdilahi Cige oo la sheegay inuu dhinaca Itoobiya u cararay.

 

Iyadoo dhinaca gobolada kale ee dalka dhibaatadan oo kale ay ka jirtay – hadana kaliya waxaan halkan ku falanqaynaynaa Awdal. Maamulka Axmed Siiraanyo iyo Cabdiraxman Saylici waxa la gudboon inay talaabo wax ku ool ah ka qaadaan sidii ay maamulkaa xaaraanta ahaa ee Dahir Rayale sharciga la tiigsadaan – baadhitaana ku sameeyaan hantida ay boobeen inta ay dhan tahay. Sidoo kale xukuumadaha dalka Somaliland ku wareegsan waa in ka codsadaan inay lacagtaa ay dhaceen lagu soow areejiyo shacabka Somalilanad. Inkastoo Jabuuti la sheegay in wasiirkii maaliyada ee Rayale u diiday dhawr Milyan oo ay u hayeen. Waana talaabo sax ah oo xukuumada Jabuuti qaadatay.

 

Maamulka Rayale aad ayuu ugu xididaystay Awdal sidaasi darteed doorashadii way ku shubteen iyagoo tirada shacabkana hoos u dhigay si ay dadka uga jeediyaan guusha runta ah oo ah in maanta Somaliland ay mar labaad xor tahay.

 

Sanaadiiqda waxa maamulayey maamul dhawr iyo toban sano soo jiray oo ku caan baxay musuqmaasuq iyo wax is dhaafdhaafin. Markaa natiijada Awdal kasoo baxday ma'aha mid sax 100% la odhan karo – faraska iyo gagadaba waa la hayaa -doorashooyin badani way hadheen.

 

Jawaabtuna waa horta in maamulka Rayale maxkamad lasoo taagaa oo la cadeeyaa inay danbi galeen iyo in kale si maamul danbe u samayn waxay dhib gaysteen. Waana digniin ku socota maamulka cusub.

 

Saylicipress.net

An Open Letter to S/Land,s -Elect-

 

Quoted: An open letter to Somaliland's President-elect: Congratulations but take heed.    By, Bashir Goth (Awdalpress)- 02 July.10—Now that you have won the election; let me first congratulate you, (H.H.. Ahmed Mohamed Silanyo), on winning the long-awaited presidency. It has been indeed a long journey for you and you have shown the tenacity and the single-mindedness it takes to be focused on your goal. I have admired your abilities to rally different sectors of Somaliland's people behind you. I also extend my congratulations to the people of Somaliland for their wisdom, dignity and civility. By coming out peacefully in their thousands in huge rallies during the campaign and giving equal respect and hospitality to all the three parties, our people have demonstrated a high level of political maturity.  I have no doubt that history will witness Somaliland people as being the real heroes of the 26 June 2010 presidential election. They made us all proud Somalilanders. Mr. President-elect, with the election now behind you, it is time that you have to be reminded of the people's expectations. There is no respite for you. We cannot afford to give you a honeymoon. Not because you don't deserve it, but because you have urgent work to do. Your table is already full. Apart from the promises you made during the election campaign which were too many, there are pressing domestic, regional and international issues that you have to deal with. In addition you are aware that as a veteran politician your legacy starts from day one. A political novice can be allowed to make mistakes. But any mistake from a veteran politician like you will be fatal. Therefore, you have to make it good on your first move. Domestic front On the domestic front, the most urgent work waiting for you is to unite the people that have been fragmented by the election campaign. We expect you to reassure everyone that you are the President of all Somaliland and not of one segment of the community. It is time to depart from your confrontational rhetoric and show the magnanimity of a statesman. It is time for humility in victory Mr. Silanyo and not time for bravado and vengefulness. Peace is the foundation on which Somaliland stands. And sustaining that peace needs conciliatory leadership, inclusive government and a healthy democratic debate. We will not judge you by the gaffes you made on the campaign trail, but we will judge you by the actions you take as a president. We will judge you by the kind of government you form, the political approach you adopt and the peaceful overtures you make to your political opponents.  We will judge you by how hard you work towards delivering the promises you made during the election campaign. It is, therefore, up to you to decide whether you rise above local politics and see the bigger picture or immerse yourself deeper and deeper into the domestic bickering and tribal quagmire. Remember Mr. President-elect what is built by Tolay is destroyed by Tolay. So keep your distance from the Tolay mentality and lead the people towards nationhood. You have come to the power on a message of change and hope; on transparency and good governance; on strengthening free enterprise; on building modern infrastructure; on the provision of good healthcare and quality education; on creating jobs for the youth and ushering in an era of economic prosperity; and on top of all on redoubling the government's efforts to win international support for the legitimacy of our nationhood. These are a tall order Mr. President-elect. But these are your promises and you are expected to deliver them. The clock is already ticking and people have started watching it. You accused the previous President by saying: "Riyaale wuxu sheegay in dhiishiisii u buuxsantay, anagu dhiil ka buuxsan mayno ee shacabka ayaan dhiisha u buuxinaynaa…". (Rayale said he got his bowl full; we will not fill our bowls but we will make sure that we fill the people's bowl). This is why many people have voted for you, Mr. President-elect; they believed in you and now they are dusting their bowls. Mr. President-elect, we are a tribal society and as you know a tribal society is like a house of cards; if one card falls the whole house collapses. We have survived thus far by using our time-tested customary laws and wisdom in constantly mending our faults, constantly licking our wounds, constantly listening to the voice of reason, constantly yielding to reconciliation efforts and collectively acting to safeguard the greatest assets we have which is peace first, peace second and peace third. For only in peace we can dream and only in peace we can prosper. We expect you, Mr. President-elect, to nurture and sustain this peace at any cost.  Our women, Mr. President-elect, are the bedrock of our nation's survival, the breadwinners of our families, the gatekeepers of our harmony, the goodwill ambassadors between our people at times of crisis and the strongest voting constituency. They need to be heard, to be well represented in your government and to be given the priority in all development projects. Neighboring countries Having friendly and mutually beneficial relations with our neighboring countries has been the basis of Somaliland's peace and prosperity. Wisdom demands Mr. President-elect that you build on these good ties and take them to even higher levels. Ethiopia in particular has been a strong ally of Somaliland for a long a time. This is a strategic and mutually productive alliance for both countries; it is an alliance that has to be kept and handled with great care and diligence. Somalia, Mr. President-elect, is totally another issue. Wisdom and experience have taught our people to stay away from it. Unlike Somaliland, Somalia has all the international community on its side. We cannot do a better job so let Somalia clean up its mess with the help of the international community. Somalia is our sisterly neighbor. We feel their pain, we pray for them and we hope that the opposing forces there would listen to the voice of reason and restore peace and stability for the people, but you have been elected to lead Somaliland to nationhood and it is obvious that Somaliand's sovereignty and nationhood do not run through the blood soaked streets of Mogadishu. As I write this piece, Somaliland Election Commission is announcing the 2010 Presidential election results and I am sure you are excitedly following your victory and Somaliland people are jubilantly celebrating the occasion; but in Somalia, the President of the TFG is leading fierce battles against destructive and suicidal forces, tragically on the 50th anniversary of Somalia's independence and it's unification with Somaliland. The standing policy of Somaliland's successive governments has been to avoid dragging ourselves into that quagmire.   Your duty, Mr. President, is to keep our borders tight and our people safe from the intolerant ideologies ravaging Somalia. State institutions, political parties and The Election Commission One final word, Mr. President-elect, democracy in Somaliland, though vibrant and glamorous, is still fragile. It thrives on herd mentality and lacks the acceptance of dissent voices. As a veteran politician we expect you to bring a more accommodative political environment where citizens can freely debate their opinions without fear of political repression and physical incarceration; where people can enjoy equal rights; where freedom of speech, freedom of association and freedom of worship are respected as basic human rights and where the rule of law takes precedence over tribal allegiance. Creating state institutions where staffing is based on qualifications, integrity and competence and not on clan affiliations and nepotism could be a memorable hallmark of your term of office. You can make a good start by forming a lean and professional cabinet of ministers with a clear mission to bring a qualitative change of style in administration and to translate the message of hope and change that was your election platform into a tangible reality. The three-party system we have, Mr. President-elect, has proved to be a protective shield against the fragmentation of our people into clan fiefdoms. I understand the temptation to open the door for the creation of more parties, but you know that would also be a recipe for disaster. The 1969 chaotic election in former Somalia where more than 60 clan-based parties made a mockery of the multiparty system should be a warning guide for you. Having lived through that ugly state, it was wise of our late President Mohamed Ibrahim Egal to have enshrined in our constitution that Somaliland's national parties should not exceed three at presidential and parliamentary elections. It is my humble opinion that this should be maintained to save our people from falling apart like a fractured glass. Finally, Mr. President-elect, the Somaliland Election Commission has proven to be a pillar of the country's democracy. The Commission members executed their duties with a commendable professionalism. It will be highly expected of you to empower this institution and make it one of Somaliland's enduring democracy gatekeepers. Congratulations Mr. President-elect but take heed. Written on: 1st July 2010. Bashir Goth is a veteran journalist, freelance writer, the first Somali blogger and editor of a leading news website. He is also a regular contributor to major Middle Eastern and African newspapers and online journals. Email: bgoth@yahoo.com

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SOMALILAND PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION 2010

DEGMADA	KULMIYE	UDUB	UCID	TOTAL
DHAHAR	0	0	0	0
BADHAN	126	734	965	1,825
CEERIGABO	15,061	18,349	4,182	37,592
CEELAFWEYN	9,313	2,762	1,971	14,046
GARADAG	4,131	735	186	5,052
SANAAG	28,631	22,580	7,304	58,515
XUDUN	0	0	0	0
LAASANOOD	1,848	1,717	554	4,119
CAYNABA	13,509	2,317	933	16,759
SOOL	15,357	4,034	1,487	20,878
BUUHOODLE	7,252	309	149	7,710
OODWEYNE	4,940	4,480	5,146	14,566
BURCO	63,554	16,824	8,999	89,377
TOGDHEER	75,746	21,613	14,294	111,653
BERBERA	8,115	11,046	2,048	21,209
SHEEKH	2,433	4,507	1,062	8,002
SAAXIL	10,548	15,553	3,110	29,211
BAKI	3,951	8,826	370	13,147
LUGHAYA	2,074	2,680	143	4,897
SAYLAC	3,209	4,256	184	7,649
BOORAME	9,218	44,443	2,584	56,245
AWDAL	18,452	60,205	3,281	81,938
SALAXLEY	999	423	9,800	11,222
BALIGUBADLE	4,984	1,813	709	7,506
GABILEY	38,305	12,341	1,858	52,504
HARGEYSA	73,884	40,919	50,616	165,419
MARODIJEEX	118,172	55,496	62,983	236,651
TOTAL	266,906	179,481	92,459	538,846
SOMALILAND PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION 2010 HELD ON 26 JUNE 2010